by Cuthbert Nzou
HARARE - Amnesty International has challenged Zimbabwe's inclusive government to impose the rule of law in the country and that the administration acts against state agents and government officials who continue to violate human rights.
"The relentless silencing of government critics that characterised the previous administration is a blight on the record of the inclusive government," said Simeon Mawanza, Amnesty International's expert on Zimbabwe in a report released yesterday.
Amnesty criticised the arrest of two independent journalists and a prominent human rights lawyer over the past three weeks.
On May 11, journalists, Vincent Kahiya and Constantine Chimakure of the privately owned Zimbabwe Independent weekly were arrested and charged for publishing an article, which the state claimed, was "wholly or materially false with the intention to generate public hostility towards the police, the military and the prison service".
They were released the following day on bail and were yesterday remanded on bail to June 16 for trial. Amnesty said it believes the journalists were arrested and detained purely for exercising their right to freedom of expression.
On May 14, prominent human rights lawyer, Alec Muchadehama, who had been representing a number of human rights and political activists, was arrested and detained by officers from the police's law and order section, notorious for harassing perceived opponents of President Robert Mugabe's ZANU PF party.
Muchadehama was charged with "defeating or obstructing the course of justice" and released on bail. Amnesty said it was concerned about the apparent lack of political will by the power-sharing government to create an environment in which human rights
and media workers could freely do their work. The organisation urged the Southern Africa Development Community and the African Union to use their role as guarantors of Zimbabwe's inter-party agreement to end on going human rights violations.
"The continued harassment and intimidation of perceived government critics has held back the international community from providing much needed assistance to ensure the realisation of the economic and social rights of Zimbabwean people," said Amnesty.
"For the inclusive government to live up to its international obligations to ensure the realisation of the economic and social rights of Zimbabwean people, it urgently needs to create the conditions in which donors can feel confident about providing assistance," said Mawanza.
Amnesty International also expressed concern about reports of victims of political violence who have taken up matters into their own hands in an attempt to recover their property that was looted by ZANU PF supporters between the March and June 2008 elections.
Police were quick to arrest the people involved, but no action was taken against known perpetrators of the 2008 human rights abuses despite reports being made to the police by the victims.
"Partisan policing needs to be brought to an end, said Mawanza. "The needs of victims of the state sponsored human rights violations have to be addressed as a matter of urgency. Those responsible for human rights violations have to be held accountable and the victims accorded effective remedies." - ZimOnline
Friday, May 29, 2009
Gideon Gono to get his wings clipped?
HARARE - Zimbabwe's cabinet is said to have agreed to effect key amendments to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) Act, a development that will see the RBZ being confined to its core functions.
While the battle around the status of controversial RBZ governor Gideon Gono rages on, Finance Minister Tendai Biti is reported to have convinced cabinet on the need to clip the wings of the central bank chief, whose controversial quasi-fiscal policies are widely regarded as having ruined Zimbabwe's once buoyant economy.
President Robert Mugabe, who has declared he will not heed local or international calls for Gono to be replaced, chairs cabinet, which comprises all ministers from both Zanu-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) parties.
"I am pleased to advise that cabinet has agreed on fundamental amendments to the Reserve Bank Act," Biti told journalists Thursday. "It is important that we restore the legitimacy, credibility and integrity of the Reserve Bank."
Biti said the RBZ reforms would ensure the bank was confined to its core business which involved the crafting of the monitory policy, supervising the banking sector and the management of the national payment systems, among other duties.
The MDC secretary-general said the envisaged amendments to the RBZ Act will also factor in recommendations by an International Monetary Fund (IMF) technical team that is in Zimbabwe to offer guidance in the banking system and central bank governance.
He said, "There would also be reforms around the board and the composition of the board.
"Most importantly the board will also play an oversight role of the bank. The board will ensure that there is compliance with the Act and various other Acts of the state.
"There will be issues around curtailment of the capacity of the bank to borrow. We have put in some restrictions there. "There will be provisions that will enforce the liquidation and rationalization of all none-core assets of the bank - companies like Home Link - so that the bank remains clean and legitimate."
Biti was confident the moves were bound to succeed saying nothing was going to distract his ministry from redressing the economy.Gono took over the reigns as central bank governor in December 2003 when inflation was still at around 600 percent. It ballooned to an estimated 500 billion percent by December last year, according to Biti.
Since the time, the RBZ was churning out loads of worthless local currency ostensibly to meet the demands of spiralling inflation while financing extravagant and often partisan government activities.
Biti said the advent of the multi-currency system early this year, coupled with a new fiscal culture by the new inclusive government, had reduced inflation to a monthly average of minus three percent. "Our biggest enemy as a ministry is politics," he said.
"There are things that we do not control, that we hope our principals and our leaders will resolve as a matter of urgency. All the outstanding issues in the Global Political Agreement we hope that they will resolve them.
"All the toxic issues around detentions, people that are being arrested, farm occupations we hope they will be resolved. If they can only help us in liquidating these things then we will be able to sprint.
Meanwhile Biti's law firm, Honey and Blanckenberg, has condemned Gono for what it described as an "unfortunate outburst against us" after he controversially accused its directors of externalization of funds and money-laundering.
In a letter purportedly written to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on May 11, Gono said Honey and Blanckenberg - where Finance Minister Tendai Biti was a partner - had stashed over US$1million outside the country in violation of exchange control regulations.
Gono said the law firm's externalization of foreign currency predated his appointment as Reserve Bank governor in 2003. He sought to use the allegations to buttress his claim that Biti's campaign to remove him from the RBZ was motivated by a personal vendetta.
New Zimbabwe.com reports that the law firm said in a statement: "Over the past few weeks (three years after the alleged offence), the partners of Honey and Blanckenberg have received a number of crude threats arising from these old accusations, stating that unless Tendai Biti, a former partner of the firm and currently Minister of Finance, desisted from his attempts to demand accountability from the governor of the Reserve Bank, the partners would face unspecified consequences. Naturally we have ignored such threats.
"Since Dr Gono states that this matter is before the courts, then it is clearly sub judice and it is regrettable and highly inappropriate that a person of his position has resorted to the media in an effort to bring this matter into the political arena without allowing the due process of the law to take its course.
"We are confident, however, in the sound judgment of the public its awareness of the integrity of Honey and Blanckenberg and its understanding of the reality of what lies behind Dr Gono's unfortunate outburst against us."
Gono's so-called letter to Tsvangirai was mysterious leaked to the media. Tsvangirai said last week that he never received the letter.If the Prime Minister never had sight of the letter allegedly dispatched to him by the governor of the Reserve Bank, while the document was splashed in various media outlets, it would be logical to assume the letter was leaked at source.
While the battle around the status of controversial RBZ governor Gideon Gono rages on, Finance Minister Tendai Biti is reported to have convinced cabinet on the need to clip the wings of the central bank chief, whose controversial quasi-fiscal policies are widely regarded as having ruined Zimbabwe's once buoyant economy.
President Robert Mugabe, who has declared he will not heed local or international calls for Gono to be replaced, chairs cabinet, which comprises all ministers from both Zanu-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) parties.
"I am pleased to advise that cabinet has agreed on fundamental amendments to the Reserve Bank Act," Biti told journalists Thursday. "It is important that we restore the legitimacy, credibility and integrity of the Reserve Bank."
Biti said the RBZ reforms would ensure the bank was confined to its core business which involved the crafting of the monitory policy, supervising the banking sector and the management of the national payment systems, among other duties.
The MDC secretary-general said the envisaged amendments to the RBZ Act will also factor in recommendations by an International Monetary Fund (IMF) technical team that is in Zimbabwe to offer guidance in the banking system and central bank governance.
He said, "There would also be reforms around the board and the composition of the board.
"Most importantly the board will also play an oversight role of the bank. The board will ensure that there is compliance with the Act and various other Acts of the state.
"There will be issues around curtailment of the capacity of the bank to borrow. We have put in some restrictions there. "There will be provisions that will enforce the liquidation and rationalization of all none-core assets of the bank - companies like Home Link - so that the bank remains clean and legitimate."
Biti was confident the moves were bound to succeed saying nothing was going to distract his ministry from redressing the economy.Gono took over the reigns as central bank governor in December 2003 when inflation was still at around 600 percent. It ballooned to an estimated 500 billion percent by December last year, according to Biti.
Since the time, the RBZ was churning out loads of worthless local currency ostensibly to meet the demands of spiralling inflation while financing extravagant and often partisan government activities.
Biti said the advent of the multi-currency system early this year, coupled with a new fiscal culture by the new inclusive government, had reduced inflation to a monthly average of minus three percent. "Our biggest enemy as a ministry is politics," he said.
"There are things that we do not control, that we hope our principals and our leaders will resolve as a matter of urgency. All the outstanding issues in the Global Political Agreement we hope that they will resolve them.
"All the toxic issues around detentions, people that are being arrested, farm occupations we hope they will be resolved. If they can only help us in liquidating these things then we will be able to sprint.
Meanwhile Biti's law firm, Honey and Blanckenberg, has condemned Gono for what it described as an "unfortunate outburst against us" after he controversially accused its directors of externalization of funds and money-laundering.
In a letter purportedly written to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on May 11, Gono said Honey and Blanckenberg - where Finance Minister Tendai Biti was a partner - had stashed over US$1million outside the country in violation of exchange control regulations.
Gono said the law firm's externalization of foreign currency predated his appointment as Reserve Bank governor in 2003. He sought to use the allegations to buttress his claim that Biti's campaign to remove him from the RBZ was motivated by a personal vendetta.
New Zimbabwe.com reports that the law firm said in a statement: "Over the past few weeks (three years after the alleged offence), the partners of Honey and Blanckenberg have received a number of crude threats arising from these old accusations, stating that unless Tendai Biti, a former partner of the firm and currently Minister of Finance, desisted from his attempts to demand accountability from the governor of the Reserve Bank, the partners would face unspecified consequences. Naturally we have ignored such threats.
"Since Dr Gono states that this matter is before the courts, then it is clearly sub judice and it is regrettable and highly inappropriate that a person of his position has resorted to the media in an effort to bring this matter into the political arena without allowing the due process of the law to take its course.
"We are confident, however, in the sound judgment of the public its awareness of the integrity of Honey and Blanckenberg and its understanding of the reality of what lies behind Dr Gono's unfortunate outburst against us."
Gono's so-called letter to Tsvangirai was mysterious leaked to the media. Tsvangirai said last week that he never received the letter.If the Prime Minister never had sight of the letter allegedly dispatched to him by the governor of the Reserve Bank, while the document was splashed in various media outlets, it would be logical to assume the letter was leaked at source.
Tuesday, May 19, 2009
Elderly woman beaten and detained by police as farm attacks continue
By Alex Bell
The elderly mother of a commercial farmer has become the latest victim of violent attack, as the countrywide offensive to remove the remaining farmers off their land continues unabated.
Chinhoyi farmer, Murray Pott's 80-year-old mother, was severely assaulted by police officials on Monday when they arrested her son for being on his land 'illegally'. Justice for Agriculture's (JAG) John Worsley-Worswick explained on Tuesday that police are repeatedly breaking protocol for bringing farmers before the courts, saying the exercise "simply requires a phone call and a request to present yourself to court." Worsley-Worswick said this latest attack is "clear police brutality and harassment," and part of ongoing efforts to scupper the unity government. There was still no word on Tuesday what condition Pott's mother was in, or whether police had released her to seek medical attention.
The attack comes just days after a Banket farmer was beaten on his farm last Friday, by the son of a top political official set on taking over the farm. Patrick Stooks received serious facial injuries after being repeatedly punched and then hit in the face with the butt of a shotgun. The official, Philip Chamboko, who holds a political role at the Zimbabwean embassy in Tokyo, has been trying since last year to remove the Stooks from their land.
Patrick and his wife Sue, were both locked up for three days in deplorable conditions last year, on trumped-up charges relating to the invasion of their land. The case was eventually thrown out of court as the prosecution witnesses admitted that the police had forced their statements out of them. Chamboko's son, Gideon and his hired thugs, continued to live on the farm but last Monday a High Court ordered the illegal occupation of the land to cease. On Friday Patrick came under violent attack after he confronted Chamboko, whose thugs vandalised Patrick's farm equipment. The attack was in full view of the Deputy Sheriff of the High Court who was there to serve the order papers on Chamboko and his men, but unsurprisingly, the police have taken no further action.
The ongoing invasions of Zimbabwe's remaining commercial farms have been fully supported by police officials, acting on the direct orders of the Attorney General, Johannes Tomana. Police have repeatedly been involved in attacks against both farmers and their staff, while at the same time, police officials have refused to carry out the many court rulings ordering land invaders off stolen land. Instead, police have actively ignored the flimsy legal protection held by the country's remaining commercial farmers, hauling them before court for 'fast-track' prosecution.
JAG's Worsley-Worswick explained on Tuesday that the recent actions by a Supreme Court Judge have "paved the way for fast track litigation to go ahead." Earlier this month, Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku heard the case of a commercial farmer, protected by last year's SADC Tribunal ruling, which was meant to guard against future land invasions. Worsley-Worswick explained that the Chief Justice "systematically destroyed any argument raised by the farmer in the case," and he expressed fears that it is the start of a major legal offensive against the farmers.
Meanwhile as the farming community remains under siege, thousands of farm workers have been left jobless and penniless in a country already plagued by 94% unemployment. Their plight is being completely overlooked by the unity government, which has done nothing to stop the land invasions continuing.
The elderly mother of a commercial farmer has become the latest victim of violent attack, as the countrywide offensive to remove the remaining farmers off their land continues unabated.
Chinhoyi farmer, Murray Pott's 80-year-old mother, was severely assaulted by police officials on Monday when they arrested her son for being on his land 'illegally'. Justice for Agriculture's (JAG) John Worsley-Worswick explained on Tuesday that police are repeatedly breaking protocol for bringing farmers before the courts, saying the exercise "simply requires a phone call and a request to present yourself to court." Worsley-Worswick said this latest attack is "clear police brutality and harassment," and part of ongoing efforts to scupper the unity government. There was still no word on Tuesday what condition Pott's mother was in, or whether police had released her to seek medical attention.
The attack comes just days after a Banket farmer was beaten on his farm last Friday, by the son of a top political official set on taking over the farm. Patrick Stooks received serious facial injuries after being repeatedly punched and then hit in the face with the butt of a shotgun. The official, Philip Chamboko, who holds a political role at the Zimbabwean embassy in Tokyo, has been trying since last year to remove the Stooks from their land.
Patrick and his wife Sue, were both locked up for three days in deplorable conditions last year, on trumped-up charges relating to the invasion of their land. The case was eventually thrown out of court as the prosecution witnesses admitted that the police had forced their statements out of them. Chamboko's son, Gideon and his hired thugs, continued to live on the farm but last Monday a High Court ordered the illegal occupation of the land to cease. On Friday Patrick came under violent attack after he confronted Chamboko, whose thugs vandalised Patrick's farm equipment. The attack was in full view of the Deputy Sheriff of the High Court who was there to serve the order papers on Chamboko and his men, but unsurprisingly, the police have taken no further action.
The ongoing invasions of Zimbabwe's remaining commercial farms have been fully supported by police officials, acting on the direct orders of the Attorney General, Johannes Tomana. Police have repeatedly been involved in attacks against both farmers and their staff, while at the same time, police officials have refused to carry out the many court rulings ordering land invaders off stolen land. Instead, police have actively ignored the flimsy legal protection held by the country's remaining commercial farmers, hauling them before court for 'fast-track' prosecution.
JAG's Worsley-Worswick explained on Tuesday that the recent actions by a Supreme Court Judge have "paved the way for fast track litigation to go ahead." Earlier this month, Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku heard the case of a commercial farmer, protected by last year's SADC Tribunal ruling, which was meant to guard against future land invasions. Worsley-Worswick explained that the Chief Justice "systematically destroyed any argument raised by the farmer in the case," and he expressed fears that it is the start of a major legal offensive against the farmers.
Meanwhile as the farming community remains under siege, thousands of farm workers have been left jobless and penniless in a country already plagued by 94% unemployment. Their plight is being completely overlooked by the unity government, which has done nothing to stop the land invasions continuing.
Zimbabwe lawyers in anti-government march
HARARE - Zimbabwean lawyers on Tuesday defied a police ban and marched through the streets of Harare to protest against government’s alleged harassment of lawyers and journalists.
The march was staged around lunch time in central Harare. The lawyers had earlier met in a hotel where a decision was taken to defy a police directive to ban the march.
Prominent human and media rights lawyers such as Beatrice Mtetwa and Alec Muchadehama took part in the lunchtime protest.
MDC legislator and parliamentary chief whip Innocent Gonese joined in the march which started at the High Court, proceeded along Samora Machel Avenue into Fourth Street and then turned into Central Avenue where the protestors gathered outside a new government complex which houses the offices of the Ministry of Justice.
The lawyers staged their peaceful protest under the watchful eye of anti-riot police outside the government offices. For about 15 minutes they hoisted placards with messages denouncing violations of lawyers and media rights.
Some of the placards read, “Stop Abductions Now” and “Rule of Law not Rule by Law.”
The police officers cooperated with the lawyers and granted access to three representatives into the government offices to present a petition.
The Minister of Justice Patrick Chinamasa and his deputy Jessie Majome were not in their offices when the lawyers presented the petition.
“The ministers were not in the office but out gallant sister Irene Petras slipped the petition under door for the minister to have sight of the petition upon arrival,” said a representative of the lawyers Chris Mhike.
Petras is the Director of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR).
Mhike said the march sought to highlight the continued harassment of lawyers in their line of duty.
“The march is a protest against the violations of the lawyer’s rights,” said Mhike.
The march by the lawyers comes barely a week after the arrest of prominent human rights lawyer Muchadehama and two Zimbabwe Independent newspaper journalists.
Muchadehama was charged with seeking to improperly release a group of human rights and political prisoners that he has been representing. A clerk of the High Court was also arrested on the same charges.
The journalists were arrested for allegedly publishing falsehoods after the Zimbabwe Independent ran a story naming members of the state security agencies who were involved in the abduction of political and human rights activists last October.
Several other lawyers have been threatened with arrest for carrying out their official duties. A High Court judge has in the past indicated that a prominent Harare rights lawyer might be charged for utterances that were made against the High Court.
The lawyer had said that the independence of the judiciary was highly compromised after the court had denied bail to a group of human and political activists facing charges of banditry and insurgency.
Two lawyers from the ZLHR were arrested in February after they presented themselves at the Harare Central police station. They intended to act on behalf of Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) members who had been arrested for staging a demonstration in Harare.
The lawyers, Rose Hanzi and Tawanda Zhuwarara, were charged with inciting violence. They were granted bail and had been appearing in court on remand but were on Friday summoned to the Harare Central police station in controversial circumstances.
“We hope that the message we have been trying to get across has got through that the legal profession should be treated with the respect it deserves,” said Mhike after the march. “We should not be punished for simply exercising our duties.”
In the petition left at the Ministry of Justice, the lawyers said they wanted the government to act on the harassment.
“Your urgent attention to these issues will be sincerely appreciated,” reads the statement by the Law Society of Zimbabwe in part.
“Lawyers will be particularly grateful for an assurance from your office and the ZRP that the independence of the legal profession shall be upheld in Zimbabwe and that harassment of the legal profession shall stop immediately.”
The march was staged around lunch time in central Harare. The lawyers had earlier met in a hotel where a decision was taken to defy a police directive to ban the march.
Prominent human and media rights lawyers such as Beatrice Mtetwa and Alec Muchadehama took part in the lunchtime protest.
MDC legislator and parliamentary chief whip Innocent Gonese joined in the march which started at the High Court, proceeded along Samora Machel Avenue into Fourth Street and then turned into Central Avenue where the protestors gathered outside a new government complex which houses the offices of the Ministry of Justice.
The lawyers staged their peaceful protest under the watchful eye of anti-riot police outside the government offices. For about 15 minutes they hoisted placards with messages denouncing violations of lawyers and media rights.
Some of the placards read, “Stop Abductions Now” and “Rule of Law not Rule by Law.”
The police officers cooperated with the lawyers and granted access to three representatives into the government offices to present a petition.
The Minister of Justice Patrick Chinamasa and his deputy Jessie Majome were not in their offices when the lawyers presented the petition.
“The ministers were not in the office but out gallant sister Irene Petras slipped the petition under door for the minister to have sight of the petition upon arrival,” said a representative of the lawyers Chris Mhike.
Petras is the Director of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR).
Mhike said the march sought to highlight the continued harassment of lawyers in their line of duty.
“The march is a protest against the violations of the lawyer’s rights,” said Mhike.
The march by the lawyers comes barely a week after the arrest of prominent human rights lawyer Muchadehama and two Zimbabwe Independent newspaper journalists.
Muchadehama was charged with seeking to improperly release a group of human rights and political prisoners that he has been representing. A clerk of the High Court was also arrested on the same charges.
The journalists were arrested for allegedly publishing falsehoods after the Zimbabwe Independent ran a story naming members of the state security agencies who were involved in the abduction of political and human rights activists last October.
Several other lawyers have been threatened with arrest for carrying out their official duties. A High Court judge has in the past indicated that a prominent Harare rights lawyer might be charged for utterances that were made against the High Court.
The lawyer had said that the independence of the judiciary was highly compromised after the court had denied bail to a group of human and political activists facing charges of banditry and insurgency.
Two lawyers from the ZLHR were arrested in February after they presented themselves at the Harare Central police station. They intended to act on behalf of Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) members who had been arrested for staging a demonstration in Harare.
The lawyers, Rose Hanzi and Tawanda Zhuwarara, were charged with inciting violence. They were granted bail and had been appearing in court on remand but were on Friday summoned to the Harare Central police station in controversial circumstances.
“We hope that the message we have been trying to get across has got through that the legal profession should be treated with the respect it deserves,” said Mhike after the march. “We should not be punished for simply exercising our duties.”
In the petition left at the Ministry of Justice, the lawyers said they wanted the government to act on the harassment.
“Your urgent attention to these issues will be sincerely appreciated,” reads the statement by the Law Society of Zimbabwe in part.
“Lawyers will be particularly grateful for an assurance from your office and the ZRP that the independence of the legal profession shall be upheld in Zimbabwe and that harassment of the legal profession shall stop immediately.”
Friday, May 15, 2009
Tsvangirai Barred from State Function
Recently National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) leaders reported they had been blocked in their attempts to see the Prime Minister, by security details at his Munhumutapa offices, despite having been invited by Mr Tsvangirai himself. The Prime Minister sent his private secretary to confirm that Dr Lovemore Madhuku and his team were his guests, but they were still turned away by the security agents.
The NCA leadership drove off but were called back by Constitutional Minister Eric Matinenga, who told them that Deputy Prime Minister Thokozani Khupe had been called in to intervene.At the time NCA Director Ernest Mudzengi said when they finally saw the Prime Minister he acknowledged that on a daily basis his visitors undergo
harassment and he was trying to stop this.This week another incident has occurred, which exposes the fact that the Prime Minister is still not being accorded the respect he deserves. A delegation from North Korea is visiting Zimbabwe and Mugabe held a state banquet in their honour.
Although Tsvangirai had an invitation to attend the banquet he was forced to make a u-turn when he arrived at the State House for the event. His spokesperson James Maridadi said the guards denied him entry, because one of his security cars had not been cleared.
Maridadi said the Prime Minister refused to go in without part of his motorcade and went back home. Maridadi said: "The Prime Minister was driving into (State House) and one of his lead vehicles was said to be unregistered by those who were manning the entrance, and they said this vehicle would not go through on account that it was not registered. So as a matter of principle the Prime Minister said in that case I might as well make a u-turn and go back home."
No one else had problems getting into State House, including other cabinet ministers from the MDC-T.
One observer said it's incomprehensible that the MDC ministers did not walk
out in solidarity with their leader: "When the MDC crowd heard that Morgan
Tsvangirai was shut out they should have left the dinner in midstream, but
shockingly sat through the entire charade."
Since the issue happened at the gate it is possible that the MDC ministers
may not have known what had happened. We tried to get clarity on this from
James Maridadi, but he said he couldn't comment on other MDC officials as he
is only the spokesperson for Mr Tsvangirai. We then called MDC spokesperson
and Information Minister Nelson Chamisa, but he said he couldn't comment as
he is not the spokesperson for the government or for Mr. Tsvangirai.
Zimbabweans have not forgotten the Gukurahundi, that saw the massacre of at least 20 000 people from the Matabeleland and Midlands regions, and the role the North Koreans played in training Mugabe's 5th Brigade involved in the attacks.
Many observers have criticised the fact that the MDC even considered attending an event for the North Koreans. Political commentator Glen Mpani said: "It's just mind-boggling why the MDC decided to sanitise the visit of such a controversial delegation, whose record on good governance is very poor. The MDC's constituency in Matabeleland was victim of the product of the Koreans. What message is it sending to them? Sadly once again under the guise of working together, the party is condoning the 80s brutal acts and impunity, and dining with the devil."
The NCA leadership drove off but were called back by Constitutional Minister Eric Matinenga, who told them that Deputy Prime Minister Thokozani Khupe had been called in to intervene.At the time NCA Director Ernest Mudzengi said when they finally saw the Prime Minister he acknowledged that on a daily basis his visitors undergo
harassment and he was trying to stop this.This week another incident has occurred, which exposes the fact that the Prime Minister is still not being accorded the respect he deserves. A delegation from North Korea is visiting Zimbabwe and Mugabe held a state banquet in their honour.
Although Tsvangirai had an invitation to attend the banquet he was forced to make a u-turn when he arrived at the State House for the event. His spokesperson James Maridadi said the guards denied him entry, because one of his security cars had not been cleared.
Maridadi said the Prime Minister refused to go in without part of his motorcade and went back home. Maridadi said: "The Prime Minister was driving into (State House) and one of his lead vehicles was said to be unregistered by those who were manning the entrance, and they said this vehicle would not go through on account that it was not registered. So as a matter of principle the Prime Minister said in that case I might as well make a u-turn and go back home."
No one else had problems getting into State House, including other cabinet ministers from the MDC-T.
One observer said it's incomprehensible that the MDC ministers did not walk
out in solidarity with their leader: "When the MDC crowd heard that Morgan
Tsvangirai was shut out they should have left the dinner in midstream, but
shockingly sat through the entire charade."
Since the issue happened at the gate it is possible that the MDC ministers
may not have known what had happened. We tried to get clarity on this from
James Maridadi, but he said he couldn't comment on other MDC officials as he
is only the spokesperson for Mr Tsvangirai. We then called MDC spokesperson
and Information Minister Nelson Chamisa, but he said he couldn't comment as
he is not the spokesperson for the government or for Mr. Tsvangirai.
Zimbabweans have not forgotten the Gukurahundi, that saw the massacre of at least 20 000 people from the Matabeleland and Midlands regions, and the role the North Koreans played in training Mugabe's 5th Brigade involved in the attacks.
Many observers have criticised the fact that the MDC even considered attending an event for the North Koreans. Political commentator Glen Mpani said: "It's just mind-boggling why the MDC decided to sanitise the visit of such a controversial delegation, whose record on good governance is very poor. The MDC's constituency in Matabeleland was victim of the product of the Koreans. What message is it sending to them? Sadly once again under the guise of working together, the party is condoning the 80s brutal acts and impunity, and dining with the devil."
Zimbabwe's Money Problem - Gideon Gono
HARARE- Reserve Bank chief Gideon Gono met and threatened senior central bank employees whom he accuses of working with externals to oust him as the governor, a senior RBZ official said.
The threats by Gono comes at the time when an International Monetary Fund (IMF) technical team is expected in the country on Monday."The central bank governor met divisional heads today (Friday) and threatened them with unspecified action accusing them of working to oust him,"said a senior RBZ official.
According to the official,Gono said: "Some of you are working with some individuals outside the bank to remove me.I am not going anywhere I am still the governor.If the IMF team comes no-one will meet them without my approval."
Gono according to the sources declared that 'the war has just begun' and vowed no-one will ever remove him from his post.The central bank chief stands accused of printing money unchecked causing hyper-inflation when the country was still using the Zimbabwean dollar as the main currency.
The IMF says the central bank books must be audited and have already recommended the removal of Gono for poorly running the central bank causing the hyper-inflation and economic woes the country has been facing in the past six years.
However, Gono has defended himself saying he was printing money to invest in the farm mechanisation programme to assist resettled farmers.Zimbabwe political leaders in the inclusive government President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai are expected to announce the resolutions of the outstanding issues in the Global Political Agreement.
Mugabe has already said that Gono will not leave his post at the central bank while the Movement for Democratic Change has been calling for his removal.According to the GPA the country's principals are to consult each other on the appointment of senior government officials that include the permanent secretaries,ambassadors, the attorney general and the governor of the central bank.
The threats by Gono comes at the time when an International Monetary Fund (IMF) technical team is expected in the country on Monday."The central bank governor met divisional heads today (Friday) and threatened them with unspecified action accusing them of working to oust him,"said a senior RBZ official.
According to the official,Gono said: "Some of you are working with some individuals outside the bank to remove me.I am not going anywhere I am still the governor.If the IMF team comes no-one will meet them without my approval."
Gono according to the sources declared that 'the war has just begun' and vowed no-one will ever remove him from his post.The central bank chief stands accused of printing money unchecked causing hyper-inflation when the country was still using the Zimbabwean dollar as the main currency.
The IMF says the central bank books must be audited and have already recommended the removal of Gono for poorly running the central bank causing the hyper-inflation and economic woes the country has been facing in the past six years.
However, Gono has defended himself saying he was printing money to invest in the farm mechanisation programme to assist resettled farmers.Zimbabwe political leaders in the inclusive government President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai are expected to announce the resolutions of the outstanding issues in the Global Political Agreement.
Mugabe has already said that Gono will not leave his post at the central bank while the Movement for Democratic Change has been calling for his removal.According to the GPA the country's principals are to consult each other on the appointment of senior government officials that include the permanent secretaries,ambassadors, the attorney general and the governor of the central bank.
Thursday, May 14, 2009
Zimbabwe Rape Victims: Rights Group Demands Justice
by Norest Muzvaba
JOHANNESBURG - A women's rights group on Wednesday called on Zimbabwe's power-sharing government to bring to justice people who committed human rights violations including sexual abuse against women during the run-up to a controversial second round presidential ballot won by President Robert Mugabe last June.
The Women Coalition of Zimbabwe (WCZ) also urged Southern African Development Community (SADC) leaders to pressure the unity government of Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to uphold a regional protocol on gender.
"Any transitional process will not be effective unless it addresses the issues raised by those affected. Attempts of national healing and reconciliation without (justice) provide a short-lived remedy to conflict," said WCZ chairwoman Emilia Muchawa, during the launch in Johannesburg of a documentary on violence against women in Zimbabwe.
The documentary titled, "Hear Us - Zimbabwean Women Affected by Political Violence Speak Out", and an accompanying report titled, "Putting it Right: Addressing Human Rights Violations Against Zimbabwean Women", give detailed accounts and footage of how women were beaten, tortured and raped during the violence that engulfed Zimbabwe before the June vote.
Women's groups estimate that more than 2000 women may have been raped between May and June last year.In one of the most touching moments captured in the documentary a woman identified only as Memory recounts how she was gang raped by militia from
Mugabe's ZANU PF party at torture camp in rural Zimbabwe.
She recalls: "When I arrived at the base, they removed all my clothes and I was raped by three men, one after the other," Memory says in the documentary. She added that after the rape she attempted to file a report with the police who however declined to accept her statement.
"We are not dealing with political violence cases. The time will come when we will deal with them," Memory recollects one police officer telling her.The documentary was produced by the WCZ working in collaboration with the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU).
RAU is a non-governmental organisation based in Harare pushing for setting up of a truth, justice and reconciliation commission and working on providing specialist assistance in research and advocacy in the field of human rights, democracy and governance.
Zimbabwe witnessed some of its worst ever political violence during the run up to the June vote that was being held after Mugabe was defeated by then opposition leader Tsvangirai in an earlier vote the previous March. But the opposition leader failed to achieve the margin required to take power and avoid a second round run-off vote.
Tsvangirai pulled out of the June ballot citing state-sponsored attacks against his supporters and in the process, leaving Mugabe to win as sole candidate.
But the election was universally condemned, with African countries that had refrained from criticising Mugabe in the past also denouncing the
violence-marred election - a situation that forced Zimbabwean leader to open negotiations to share power with Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, who heads
a smaller opposition party.
The WCZ said it welcomed the power-sharing agreement or global political agreement (GPA) signed last September because the document acknowledges equality between men and women and recognises women's role in nation building.
But the group urged the SADC, which brokered the GPA, to pressure the Harare vernment to implement the power-sharing agreement in full including clauses underpinning women's rights.
Regional governments should also lean on Harare to incorporate the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development into Zimbabwean law, according to the WCZ.
JOHANNESBURG - A women's rights group on Wednesday called on Zimbabwe's power-sharing government to bring to justice people who committed human rights violations including sexual abuse against women during the run-up to a controversial second round presidential ballot won by President Robert Mugabe last June.
The Women Coalition of Zimbabwe (WCZ) also urged Southern African Development Community (SADC) leaders to pressure the unity government of Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to uphold a regional protocol on gender.
"Any transitional process will not be effective unless it addresses the issues raised by those affected. Attempts of national healing and reconciliation without (justice) provide a short-lived remedy to conflict," said WCZ chairwoman Emilia Muchawa, during the launch in Johannesburg of a documentary on violence against women in Zimbabwe.
The documentary titled, "Hear Us - Zimbabwean Women Affected by Political Violence Speak Out", and an accompanying report titled, "Putting it Right: Addressing Human Rights Violations Against Zimbabwean Women", give detailed accounts and footage of how women were beaten, tortured and raped during the violence that engulfed Zimbabwe before the June vote.
Women's groups estimate that more than 2000 women may have been raped between May and June last year.In one of the most touching moments captured in the documentary a woman identified only as Memory recounts how she was gang raped by militia from
Mugabe's ZANU PF party at torture camp in rural Zimbabwe.
She recalls: "When I arrived at the base, they removed all my clothes and I was raped by three men, one after the other," Memory says in the documentary. She added that after the rape she attempted to file a report with the police who however declined to accept her statement.
"We are not dealing with political violence cases. The time will come when we will deal with them," Memory recollects one police officer telling her.The documentary was produced by the WCZ working in collaboration with the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU).
RAU is a non-governmental organisation based in Harare pushing for setting up of a truth, justice and reconciliation commission and working on providing specialist assistance in research and advocacy in the field of human rights, democracy and governance.
Zimbabwe witnessed some of its worst ever political violence during the run up to the June vote that was being held after Mugabe was defeated by then opposition leader Tsvangirai in an earlier vote the previous March. But the opposition leader failed to achieve the margin required to take power and avoid a second round run-off vote.
Tsvangirai pulled out of the June ballot citing state-sponsored attacks against his supporters and in the process, leaving Mugabe to win as sole candidate.
But the election was universally condemned, with African countries that had refrained from criticising Mugabe in the past also denouncing the
violence-marred election - a situation that forced Zimbabwean leader to open negotiations to share power with Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, who heads
a smaller opposition party.
The WCZ said it welcomed the power-sharing agreement or global political agreement (GPA) signed last September because the document acknowledges equality between men and women and recognises women's role in nation building.
But the group urged the SADC, which brokered the GPA, to pressure the Harare vernment to implement the power-sharing agreement in full including clauses underpinning women's rights.
Regional governments should also lean on Harare to incorporate the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development into Zimbabwean law, according to the WCZ.
Zimbabwe Wild Life - The silent sufferer
HARARE - Wildlife experts believe that hundreds of animals have been poached in Zimbabwe since the relaunch of President Robert Mugabe's land invasions soon after the formation of the inclusive government in February.
The ongoing slaughter, which includes supposedly protected species such as black rhinoceros, has wiped out an estimated 60 per cent of wildlife on privately owned game ranches and conservancies.Such areas have been overrun by thousands of settlers, who have stripped away game fences and used the wire to make snares, using the meat either for subsistence amid increasing hunger caused by dollarisation, food shortages in rural areas, or for commercial sale.
"This country's natural heritage is being decimated," said Johnny Rodrigues, of the Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force. "Unless the government restores law and order, we can ultimately kiss Zimbabwe's wildlife goodbye."
There is also evidence that rural authorities in some areas have sanctioned the shooting of game in order to feed the youth militia set up to terrorise political opponents by Mugabe's Zanu (PF) party during his campaign for re-election.
There are two main habitats for wildlife in Zimbabwe, commercial game
ranches, which earn their income from tourism and controlled hunting, and
which in some cases have joined together to form larger conservancies, and
National Parks.
The ongoing slaughter, which includes supposedly protected species such as black rhinoceros, has wiped out an estimated 60 per cent of wildlife on privately owned game ranches and conservancies.Such areas have been overrun by thousands of settlers, who have stripped away game fences and used the wire to make snares, using the meat either for subsistence amid increasing hunger caused by dollarisation, food shortages in rural areas, or for commercial sale.
"This country's natural heritage is being decimated," said Johnny Rodrigues, of the Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force. "Unless the government restores law and order, we can ultimately kiss Zimbabwe's wildlife goodbye."
There is also evidence that rural authorities in some areas have sanctioned the shooting of game in order to feed the youth militia set up to terrorise political opponents by Mugabe's Zanu (PF) party during his campaign for re-election.
There are two main habitats for wildlife in Zimbabwe, commercial game
ranches, which earn their income from tourism and controlled hunting, and
which in some cases have joined together to form larger conservancies, and
National Parks.
Tuesday, May 12, 2009
Beitbridge: Zimbabwe's festering border post
This is a tourist's perspective on their recent visit to Zimbabwe. Their family travelled by car and entered the country through the Beitbridge Border - between South Africa and Zimbabwe.
With the new Unity Government in place, one would think that moves would point towards re-establishing Zimbabwe's once wonderful tourism industry. Since the Land Reform programme in 2000, tourism in Zimbabwe has steadily declined reaching an all time low in December 2008. After rising during the 1990s, with 1.4 million tourists in 1999, industry figures described a 75% fall in visitors to Zimbabwe in by December 2008.
Upon careful consultation with friends from Zimbabwe however, we decided to brave a visit by road. Assurance that fuel is now available at some garages were indeed true. The hotels and National Parks Camps were welcoming if stretched and tatty , the costs were high compared to those in South Africa and food was a lot more expensive.
We would love to travel to Zimbabwe again one day with our family but we made a vow that we would never ever attempt to cross into Zimbabwe at the Beitbridge Border post !As a first entry point to your country, the Border Post was a disgusting
mess, mounds of trash piled everywhere, rocks, stones, great piles of rubble (from Operation Murambatvina?), no signs, no direction, just an unenthusiastic group of uncivil servants waiting for their shift to change.
One would imagine that a Thursday afternoon at Beitbridge Border Post, nowhere near a public holiday, nowhere near the end of the month, that the traffic would not be too bad.
The toll payment was not too unpleasant, the road tax (for the pleasure of driving through the potholes) was not too undisciplined although there was no change anywhere so you just had to forfeit anything owing to you , the passports were stamped with alacrity, but the customs system is a debacle, an absolute debacle.
There were four lines of vehicles, piled high with commercial goods, intent upon passing through the single lane green route, three queues converging on single lane red route. There was no place to move forwards, backwards or to park .
It was complete and utter chaos, pity us poor tourists coming to spend an honest dollar or two in the country, as no sane tourist would ever, ever undertake this horrific experience more than once.
With the temperature at 35 degrees celsius, and a quagmire of vehicles hopelessly gridlocked, trying to literally force their way through customs, touts were yelling, vehicles were bumper to bumper to stop queue jumpers, the fuel emissions were horrendous as the hot tempered border crossers tried to cool down.
It was literally a festering, seething ugly mass of humanity and very frightening to a tourist who does not have a clue where to go and what to do next to get through from S.A. into Zimbabwe.
We sat for three hours i the baking sun in the car, our line of cars did not move an inch, there was no where to buy cold drinks. The only form of sustenance we saw was an enterprising young man who passed by the window carrying a cardboard tray of hard boiled eggs, and tantalisingly displayed on the same tray was an array of condiments like, salt, pepper, aromat and chili powder !!
When we finally forced our way, inch by inch, to the final customs point, we were harassed and berated, searched and abused. Our Gauteng vehicle registration plate seemed to inspire nothing but wrath in everybody, and our woes were still not at an end.
At every road block around the country we were pulled over by police, some in uniform, some in civilian clothes, and again subjected to unnecessary and unnerving questioning. Our little girls were becoming more and more traumatized as the journey progressed.
A visit to Zim again ? Not bloody likely !!
With the new Unity Government in place, one would think that moves would point towards re-establishing Zimbabwe's once wonderful tourism industry. Since the Land Reform programme in 2000, tourism in Zimbabwe has steadily declined reaching an all time low in December 2008. After rising during the 1990s, with 1.4 million tourists in 1999, industry figures described a 75% fall in visitors to Zimbabwe in by December 2008.
Upon careful consultation with friends from Zimbabwe however, we decided to brave a visit by road. Assurance that fuel is now available at some garages were indeed true. The hotels and National Parks Camps were welcoming if stretched and tatty , the costs were high compared to those in South Africa and food was a lot more expensive.
We would love to travel to Zimbabwe again one day with our family but we made a vow that we would never ever attempt to cross into Zimbabwe at the Beitbridge Border post !As a first entry point to your country, the Border Post was a disgusting
mess, mounds of trash piled everywhere, rocks, stones, great piles of rubble (from Operation Murambatvina?), no signs, no direction, just an unenthusiastic group of uncivil servants waiting for their shift to change.
One would imagine that a Thursday afternoon at Beitbridge Border Post, nowhere near a public holiday, nowhere near the end of the month, that the traffic would not be too bad.
The toll payment was not too unpleasant, the road tax (for the pleasure of driving through the potholes) was not too undisciplined although there was no change anywhere so you just had to forfeit anything owing to you , the passports were stamped with alacrity, but the customs system is a debacle, an absolute debacle.
There were four lines of vehicles, piled high with commercial goods, intent upon passing through the single lane green route, three queues converging on single lane red route. There was no place to move forwards, backwards or to park .
It was complete and utter chaos, pity us poor tourists coming to spend an honest dollar or two in the country, as no sane tourist would ever, ever undertake this horrific experience more than once.
With the temperature at 35 degrees celsius, and a quagmire of vehicles hopelessly gridlocked, trying to literally force their way through customs, touts were yelling, vehicles were bumper to bumper to stop queue jumpers, the fuel emissions were horrendous as the hot tempered border crossers tried to cool down.
It was literally a festering, seething ugly mass of humanity and very frightening to a tourist who does not have a clue where to go and what to do next to get through from S.A. into Zimbabwe.
We sat for three hours i the baking sun in the car, our line of cars did not move an inch, there was no where to buy cold drinks. The only form of sustenance we saw was an enterprising young man who passed by the window carrying a cardboard tray of hard boiled eggs, and tantalisingly displayed on the same tray was an array of condiments like, salt, pepper, aromat and chili powder !!
When we finally forced our way, inch by inch, to the final customs point, we were harassed and berated, searched and abused. Our Gauteng vehicle registration plate seemed to inspire nothing but wrath in everybody, and our woes were still not at an end.
At every road block around the country we were pulled over by police, some in uniform, some in civilian clothes, and again subjected to unnecessary and unnerving questioning. Our little girls were becoming more and more traumatized as the journey progressed.
A visit to Zim again ? Not bloody likely !!
Zimbabwe Independent newspaper journalists arrested
By Violet Gonda
Despite the fact that a few days ago it was world press freedom day, journalists continue to be harassed and arrested in Zimbabwe, just for doing their job. On Monday two journalists from the private media were arrested for publishing a story containing the names of police officers and state agents implicated in the abductions of civic leader Jestina Mukoko, journalist Shadreck Manyere and others.
Trevor Ncube, the owner of the Zimbabwe Independent newspaper, confirmed the detention in a message posted on his Facebook site. He said: "Zimbabwe Independent Editor Vincent Kahiya and news editor Constantine Chimakure will be spending the night in the cells."
The two had spent the whole day at the police station on Monday, following a visit by officials from the Law and Order Section on Saturday to the Zimbabwe Independent offices, looking for them. The police said they wanted to arrest Kahiya and Chimakure for publishing a story naming police officers and members of the Central Intelligence Organisation, involved in the abductions of human rights and MDC activists. The activists, who were abducted and tortured between the months of October and December last year, had named in court the officers who brutalised them.
But the Zimbabwe Independent journalists were arrested despite the fact that the information was gathered from public documents, contained in court papers. The names of some of the police officers were revealed, following the formal notices of indictment for trial of the activists this past week. The Independent wrote: "They (the court papers) also revealed that the activists were in the custody of state spies, though the police professed ignorance of their whereabouts until late December when they issued a press statement saying the abductees were in their custody facing banditry charges."
"A perusal of the notices revealed that Assistant Director External in the CIO retired Brigadier Asher Walter Tapfumanei, police superintendents Reggies Chitekwe and Joel Tenderere, detective inspectors Elliot Muchada and Joshua Muzanango, officer commanding CID Homicide Crispen Makedenge, Chief Superintendent Peter Magwenzi, and Senior Assistant Commissioner Simon Nyathi, were involved in some of the abductees' cases."
Media organisation, MISA-Zimbabwe national Chairman, Loughty Dube, said police were unhappy that the newspaper exposed the officers. The arrests of the two comes at a time when the government has just held an All-Stakeholders Media Conference in Kariba, meant to look at media reforms in the country. The event was however boycotted by the major organisations from the private media, grouped under the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe. The journalists boycotted the conference in solidarity with detained journalist Shadreck Manyere.
Dube said: "The latest arrest of the two and continued harassment of other journalists, is an indication of the non-seriousness of this government in dealing with media violations. The all inclusive government had indicated that it would push for changes and call for a change in the media environment, but that is not showing."
Ironically, Kahiya and Chimakure are being represented by lawyer Innocent Chagonda, who is a member of the Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (JOMIC) - a panel set up to ensure the implementation of the Global Political Agreement in letter and spirit. It is also, among other issues, meant "to receive reports and complaints in respect of any issue related to the implementation, enforcement and execution of the agreement."
There are many who would say the continued harassment and imprisonment of journalists is in direct contravention of the agreement.
Despite the fact that a few days ago it was world press freedom day, journalists continue to be harassed and arrested in Zimbabwe, just for doing their job. On Monday two journalists from the private media were arrested for publishing a story containing the names of police officers and state agents implicated in the abductions of civic leader Jestina Mukoko, journalist Shadreck Manyere and others.
Trevor Ncube, the owner of the Zimbabwe Independent newspaper, confirmed the detention in a message posted on his Facebook site. He said: "Zimbabwe Independent Editor Vincent Kahiya and news editor Constantine Chimakure will be spending the night in the cells."
The two had spent the whole day at the police station on Monday, following a visit by officials from the Law and Order Section on Saturday to the Zimbabwe Independent offices, looking for them. The police said they wanted to arrest Kahiya and Chimakure for publishing a story naming police officers and members of the Central Intelligence Organisation, involved in the abductions of human rights and MDC activists. The activists, who were abducted and tortured between the months of October and December last year, had named in court the officers who brutalised them.
But the Zimbabwe Independent journalists were arrested despite the fact that the information was gathered from public documents, contained in court papers. The names of some of the police officers were revealed, following the formal notices of indictment for trial of the activists this past week. The Independent wrote: "They (the court papers) also revealed that the activists were in the custody of state spies, though the police professed ignorance of their whereabouts until late December when they issued a press statement saying the abductees were in their custody facing banditry charges."
"A perusal of the notices revealed that Assistant Director External in the CIO retired Brigadier Asher Walter Tapfumanei, police superintendents Reggies Chitekwe and Joel Tenderere, detective inspectors Elliot Muchada and Joshua Muzanango, officer commanding CID Homicide Crispen Makedenge, Chief Superintendent Peter Magwenzi, and Senior Assistant Commissioner Simon Nyathi, were involved in some of the abductees' cases."
Media organisation, MISA-Zimbabwe national Chairman, Loughty Dube, said police were unhappy that the newspaper exposed the officers. The arrests of the two comes at a time when the government has just held an All-Stakeholders Media Conference in Kariba, meant to look at media reforms in the country. The event was however boycotted by the major organisations from the private media, grouped under the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe. The journalists boycotted the conference in solidarity with detained journalist Shadreck Manyere.
Dube said: "The latest arrest of the two and continued harassment of other journalists, is an indication of the non-seriousness of this government in dealing with media violations. The all inclusive government had indicated that it would push for changes and call for a change in the media environment, but that is not showing."
Ironically, Kahiya and Chimakure are being represented by lawyer Innocent Chagonda, who is a member of the Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (JOMIC) - a panel set up to ensure the implementation of the Global Political Agreement in letter and spirit. It is also, among other issues, meant "to receive reports and complaints in respect of any issue related to the implementation, enforcement and execution of the agreement."
There are many who would say the continued harassment and imprisonment of journalists is in direct contravention of the agreement.
Sunday, May 10, 2009
Tsvangirai Accident: ZANU PF had Prior Knowledge of the Tragedy
By Gerald Harper, Zimbabwe Metro
President of Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe, centre left accompanied by CIO Director Happyton Bonyongwe arrives at the Avenues Clinic in Harare to visit injured Morgan Tsvangirai.
In a shocking revelation that might threaten the fragile power sharing deal between ZANU PF and the MDC,it has emerged that at least three ZANU PF ministers knew about the accident which injured Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and killed his wife Susan ,according to a report that was submitted to the MDC.
The details are contained in a 50 page investigation report that was carried out by a private investigation company and summited to the MDC two weeks after the accident,but the MDC has kept a tight lid on it and some members of the National Executive have not even seen it.
According to the report Defence Minister, Emmerson Mnagagwa,Transportation Minister, Nicolas Goche and Justice Minister,Patrick Chinamasa likely knew about the accident a few days before it happened.
The report also questions if President Mugabe knew about the accident beforehand as his travel arrangements to visit Avenues Hospital started being made in the morning of the day the accident occurred. Hospital Staff reportedly witnessed security agents and Mugabe’s security detail being dispatched to man the hospital in the morning.
Also in the document is compelling evidence that the Driver of the truck,Chinoona Mwanda has strong links to the Central Intelligence Organization(CIO) and the Army. The driver of the truck, which belongs to the United States Development Agency(USAID) was taken into police custody after the accident.
According to the investigation Tsvangirai’s vehicle was being escorted by a Central Intelligence Organization vehicle which, for no known reason, increased its speed and disappeared from view. Just as that CIO vehicle was out of view a truck coming in the opposite direction appeared and sideswiped the PM’s car.
MDC officials claim that no help was provided by CIO guards on the scene and when a white farmer arrived and began to film the scene he was arrested and his pictures were confiscated.
Several MDC politicians have since been involved in highly questionable road accidents since the signing of the power sharing deal.
Giles Mutsekwa, the MDC-T Home Affairs Minister was involved in a car accident last month. Mutsekwa was travelling to Harare on Mucheke road when his car was hit from behind by a Nissan Hard Body truck.
Deputy Prime Minister Thokozani Khuphe’s mother died from injuries received in an accident on the Bulawayo-Harare road last month. Minister of State Gorden Moyo and Minister of State Enterprise and Parastatals Sam Nkomo were travelling to Harare airport last month when the vehicle in which they were travelling was also hit from behind by another vehicle.
President of Zimbabwe Robert Mugabe, centre left accompanied by CIO Director Happyton Bonyongwe arrives at the Avenues Clinic in Harare to visit injured Morgan Tsvangirai.In a shocking revelation that might threaten the fragile power sharing deal between ZANU PF and the MDC,it has emerged that at least three ZANU PF ministers knew about the accident which injured Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and killed his wife Susan ,according to a report that was submitted to the MDC.
The details are contained in a 50 page investigation report that was carried out by a private investigation company and summited to the MDC two weeks after the accident,but the MDC has kept a tight lid on it and some members of the National Executive have not even seen it.
According to the report Defence Minister, Emmerson Mnagagwa,Transportation Minister, Nicolas Goche and Justice Minister,Patrick Chinamasa likely knew about the accident a few days before it happened.
The report also questions if President Mugabe knew about the accident beforehand as his travel arrangements to visit Avenues Hospital started being made in the morning of the day the accident occurred. Hospital Staff reportedly witnessed security agents and Mugabe’s security detail being dispatched to man the hospital in the morning.
Also in the document is compelling evidence that the Driver of the truck,Chinoona Mwanda has strong links to the Central Intelligence Organization(CIO) and the Army. The driver of the truck, which belongs to the United States Development Agency(USAID) was taken into police custody after the accident.
According to the investigation Tsvangirai’s vehicle was being escorted by a Central Intelligence Organization vehicle which, for no known reason, increased its speed and disappeared from view. Just as that CIO vehicle was out of view a truck coming in the opposite direction appeared and sideswiped the PM’s car.
MDC officials claim that no help was provided by CIO guards on the scene and when a white farmer arrived and began to film the scene he was arrested and his pictures were confiscated.
Several MDC politicians have since been involved in highly questionable road accidents since the signing of the power sharing deal.
Giles Mutsekwa, the MDC-T Home Affairs Minister was involved in a car accident last month. Mutsekwa was travelling to Harare on Mucheke road when his car was hit from behind by a Nissan Hard Body truck.
Deputy Prime Minister Thokozani Khuphe’s mother died from injuries received in an accident on the Bulawayo-Harare road last month. Minister of State Gorden Moyo and Minister of State Enterprise and Parastatals Sam Nkomo were travelling to Harare airport last month when the vehicle in which they were travelling was also hit from behind by another vehicle.
Jestina Mukoko: What's the Law got to do with it?
By Alex Magaisa
For the last six months, I have been closely following the matter of Jestina Mukoko and other activists who spent months in prison before being released in early March 2009. Others like Gandhi Mudzingwa, Chris Dlamini and Anderson Manyere have remained in custody since December 2008 despite being granted bail by the High Court.
All detainees are alleged to have been tortured and subjected to inhumane and degrading treatment by their captors. All this is happening in a country that claims to be rehabilitated and in need of assistance to kick-start a comatose economy.
On Tuesday May 5, 2009, Zimbabweans and the world at large were shocked to read that Mukoko and 17 others had been re-detained following proceedings at the Magistrates' Court in Harare.
The next day, however, 15 of the 18 detainees were released, the Attorney-General having finally consented to their bail applications.
Many people have asked, in the aftermath of this episode, what really is going on? Some have criticised the magistrate for her ruling to send the detainees to prison. Many others are plainly confused and disappointed at the turn of events.
Now, I am not a criminal lawyer but I like to think I can still read criminal legislation in the context of our political situation. I am interested to discover if this really has anything to do with the law.
This, here, is my attempt to shed light on what happened; why it may well have been within the law but is nevertheless ridiculous, given the national interest at stake in the overall scheme of things.
I will attempt as much as possible to put the language in layperson's terms, although this is at the risk of oversimplifying it, something that might disappoint my colleagues in the law.
I understand that the basis upon which Magistrate Catherine Chimhanda made her decision to re-detain Mukoko and others is Section 66 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act [Cap 8:07].
This section provides for the procedure for bringing an accused person to trial before the High Court.
This simplified procedure, commonly known as the "direct indict" procedure is a departure from an older procedure which required a "preparatory examination" in the magistrates' Court before indicting the accused person in the High Court for trial. The types of offences that are tried by the High Court are called "indictable offences".
The reason for the preparatory examination was to scrutinise the evidence to determine whether the accused should be in the High Court. The trouble with this procedure was that it was time-consuming and costly both for the state and the accused.
I understand the law was changed in 1962 to allow for the "direct indict" procedure as an alternative in straight-forward case, so that a preparatory examination was not necessary.
Over time, this simpler procedure became the norm and in 2006, a new amendment produced the present Section 66, which is now under consideration as the basis upon which Mukoko and others were sent to prison for the night of May 5 2009.
Subsection 1 of this provision states that: "If the Attorney-General is of the opinion that any person is under reasonable suspicion of having committed an offence for which the person may be tried in the High Court, the Attorney-General shall cause written notice to be served on-(a) a magistrate for the province within which the person concerned resides or for the time being is present; or (b) any magistrate before whom the trial of the offence could be held in respect of the offence concerned; informing the magistrate of his or her decision to indict the person
concerned for trial before the High Court and of the offence for which the
person is to be tried".
I have underlined the key words for emphasis. Essentially, therefore, all the Attorney-General needs to do is to issue a written notice to the magistrate merely informing her that he has made the decision to indict, i.e. to formally accuse a person for trial at the High Court. The AG must of course state the offence.
It is worth noting here that the AG is not asking the magistrate for permission to do so. He is not placing evidence before the magistrate - he is merely "informing" her of his decision and of the offence. What then does the magistrate do? This requires us to look at the next provision.
Subsection 2 then states:
"On receipt of a notice in terms of subsection (1), the magistrate shall cause the person concerned to be brought before him or her and, notwithstanding any other provision of this Act, shall forthwith commit the person for trial before the High Court and grant a warrant to commit him or her to prison, there to be detained till brought to trial before the High Court for the offence specified in the warrant or till admitted to bail or liberated in the course of law."
This means that once the magistrate has received the notice from the AG, she is required to call the accused person to be brought before her court, as happened to Mukoko and others when they came to court on May 5.It is important to note that the provision uses peremptory language, i.e. the magistrate "shall forthwith" commit the accused person for trial before the High Court and also grant a warrant to commit the accused person to prison, where the accused person shall be "detained" until brought to trial or until "admitted to bail or liberated in the course of law".
This strong language shows that, once the notice has been issued by the AG, the matter is by and large beyond the magistrate's control until such time that the accused applies for bail. All that it took was for the AG to issue the notice to the magistrate, as he did on May 4, 2009.
Effectively it is the word of the AG, through that notice to cause the accused persons to be sent to prison as the magistrate does not seem to have any discretion on this - under the provision, she has to grant a warrant for the accused committal to prison.
Under the provisions quoted above, the magistrate has little, if any, power to question the nature and quality of evidence that the AG uses to indict the accused person.
That explains why Mukoko's lawyers did not challenge the legality of what she has done but instead sought to ask for evidence of the political decisions behind the March bail to be heard.
The irony here is that it is the political decisions that probably caused the AG to issue the notice that has led to the re-detention of the activists. The magistrate's position would not have changed for the simple reason that she does not have the power, unless she was considering a bail application.
For the avoidance of doubt, it is important to note that the AG could have done what he did even on the day that Mukoko and others were released in early March. He could have done it a day later, two days later, indeed any day after their release.
What then has changed? Has the State suddenly got enough evidence to give them reasonable suspicion that the accused committed the alleged offences? Perhaps. But there could be another motive, which has little to do with the law.
That the AG chose to do so on May 4, 2009 has to be considered within the context of the on-going political negotiations, which have probably hit a sticky patch.
We must also consider another relevant aspect. This is not the first time that the AG has issued a notice of this nature - indeed, as I have said it is the norm in most cases.
However, my understanding is that as a matter of practice the norm is for arrangements for bail to be made where necessary so that in this case, when the AG issued the notice, he could have stated that he would not oppose bail.
The lawyers for Mukoko and others could therefore have applied for bail, which if she had the power, the magistrate could have dealt with. That means Mukoko and others would have been spared the ordeal of jail. So why was consent delayed until a day later?
Did it suddenly dawn on the AG that it made no sense to lock away accused persons who were on bail, which bail they had not breached? Or was there a bigger, invisible hand that caused him to see reason?
There might be an argument that there is something wrong with the law which allows the AG to do as he did in this case because it is prone to abuse.That may well be true. The justice system is predicated on the basis that the officers of the law, the AG included, will uphold the Constitution and behave in a civilised manner.
It is expected that the AG will be fair, reasonable and use the powers given to him in lawful manner, i.e. that there will be no abuse of powers.That is why there have been no similar problems as this in the past. But this system is too dependent on the character of the office holder.
Someone could be vindictive and unreasonable and refuse to consent to bail, thereby consigning the accused to prison for a lengthy period of time. The presumptions are misplaced in today's Zimbabwe.There was no reason for Mukoko and others to be sent to prison even for a day.
The AG could have issued the indictment notice and indicated that he would not oppose bail. That would have been a reasonable and sensible use of the powers.
The accused have not breached their bail conditions (at least there is no allegation that they have). Given the seriousness of the charges they are facing, one might have thought they would do a runner, especially having been unlawfully captured and subjected to inhumane and degrading treatment during that initial detention. They did no such thing.
Cynics will be forgiven for holding on to the view that the cases were always politically-motivated. They have been resurrected in part due to the challenges of the current negotiations on "outstanding matters" from the Global Political Agreement (GPA). As always the law is no more than a veil to earn legitimacy.
Soon, the justifications of the rule of law will be heard from those pulling the strings. The only problem with the law as presently stated is that it is prone to abuse but a reasonable AG can still conduct him/herself without causing undue hardship to accused persons.
The Magistrate did nothing wrong - she had little power to order their release in the absence of a bail application and the consent of the AG. If the AG had opposed bail and she agreed with his reasoning then there would be cause to be more critical of her. In the end the matter was resolved because the root of the problem, at the AG's office solved it by consenting to bail. Why did it not happen on the first day? The problem is simple.
It is that those charged with power saw it fit to tighten the vice-grip on the cojones of Messers Morgan Tsvangirai, Arthur Mutambara, et al. These poor souls detained were the pawns. It's crazy. It's ridiculous. I had wanted to believe very strongly that there is something beautiful that can be salvaged from this political hybrid of a government.
But with each passing day, even my own optimism, which, I must admit can seem overly naively eternal, has taken a huge knock. Why do we always shoot ourselves in the foot? Are we surely incapable of doing the right thing? And above all, how do they, those who do these things, how do they sleep at night, if at all?
For the last six months, I have been closely following the matter of Jestina Mukoko and other activists who spent months in prison before being released in early March 2009. Others like Gandhi Mudzingwa, Chris Dlamini and Anderson Manyere have remained in custody since December 2008 despite being granted bail by the High Court.
All detainees are alleged to have been tortured and subjected to inhumane and degrading treatment by their captors. All this is happening in a country that claims to be rehabilitated and in need of assistance to kick-start a comatose economy.
On Tuesday May 5, 2009, Zimbabweans and the world at large were shocked to read that Mukoko and 17 others had been re-detained following proceedings at the Magistrates' Court in Harare.
The next day, however, 15 of the 18 detainees were released, the Attorney-General having finally consented to their bail applications.
Many people have asked, in the aftermath of this episode, what really is going on? Some have criticised the magistrate for her ruling to send the detainees to prison. Many others are plainly confused and disappointed at the turn of events.
Now, I am not a criminal lawyer but I like to think I can still read criminal legislation in the context of our political situation. I am interested to discover if this really has anything to do with the law.
This, here, is my attempt to shed light on what happened; why it may well have been within the law but is nevertheless ridiculous, given the national interest at stake in the overall scheme of things.
I will attempt as much as possible to put the language in layperson's terms, although this is at the risk of oversimplifying it, something that might disappoint my colleagues in the law.
I understand that the basis upon which Magistrate Catherine Chimhanda made her decision to re-detain Mukoko and others is Section 66 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act [Cap 8:07].
This section provides for the procedure for bringing an accused person to trial before the High Court.
This simplified procedure, commonly known as the "direct indict" procedure is a departure from an older procedure which required a "preparatory examination" in the magistrates' Court before indicting the accused person in the High Court for trial. The types of offences that are tried by the High Court are called "indictable offences".
The reason for the preparatory examination was to scrutinise the evidence to determine whether the accused should be in the High Court. The trouble with this procedure was that it was time-consuming and costly both for the state and the accused.
I understand the law was changed in 1962 to allow for the "direct indict" procedure as an alternative in straight-forward case, so that a preparatory examination was not necessary.
Over time, this simpler procedure became the norm and in 2006, a new amendment produced the present Section 66, which is now under consideration as the basis upon which Mukoko and others were sent to prison for the night of May 5 2009.
Subsection 1 of this provision states that: "If the Attorney-General is of the opinion that any person is under reasonable suspicion of having committed an offence for which the person may be tried in the High Court, the Attorney-General shall cause written notice to be served on-(a) a magistrate for the province within which the person concerned resides or for the time being is present; or (b) any magistrate before whom the trial of the offence could be held in respect of the offence concerned; informing the magistrate of his or her decision to indict the person
concerned for trial before the High Court and of the offence for which the
person is to be tried".
I have underlined the key words for emphasis. Essentially, therefore, all the Attorney-General needs to do is to issue a written notice to the magistrate merely informing her that he has made the decision to indict, i.e. to formally accuse a person for trial at the High Court. The AG must of course state the offence.
It is worth noting here that the AG is not asking the magistrate for permission to do so. He is not placing evidence before the magistrate - he is merely "informing" her of his decision and of the offence. What then does the magistrate do? This requires us to look at the next provision.
Subsection 2 then states:
"On receipt of a notice in terms of subsection (1), the magistrate shall cause the person concerned to be brought before him or her and, notwithstanding any other provision of this Act, shall forthwith commit the person for trial before the High Court and grant a warrant to commit him or her to prison, there to be detained till brought to trial before the High Court for the offence specified in the warrant or till admitted to bail or liberated in the course of law."
This means that once the magistrate has received the notice from the AG, she is required to call the accused person to be brought before her court, as happened to Mukoko and others when they came to court on May 5.It is important to note that the provision uses peremptory language, i.e. the magistrate "shall forthwith" commit the accused person for trial before the High Court and also grant a warrant to commit the accused person to prison, where the accused person shall be "detained" until brought to trial or until "admitted to bail or liberated in the course of law".
This strong language shows that, once the notice has been issued by the AG, the matter is by and large beyond the magistrate's control until such time that the accused applies for bail. All that it took was for the AG to issue the notice to the magistrate, as he did on May 4, 2009.
Effectively it is the word of the AG, through that notice to cause the accused persons to be sent to prison as the magistrate does not seem to have any discretion on this - under the provision, she has to grant a warrant for the accused committal to prison.
Under the provisions quoted above, the magistrate has little, if any, power to question the nature and quality of evidence that the AG uses to indict the accused person.
That explains why Mukoko's lawyers did not challenge the legality of what she has done but instead sought to ask for evidence of the political decisions behind the March bail to be heard.
The irony here is that it is the political decisions that probably caused the AG to issue the notice that has led to the re-detention of the activists. The magistrate's position would not have changed for the simple reason that she does not have the power, unless she was considering a bail application.
For the avoidance of doubt, it is important to note that the AG could have done what he did even on the day that Mukoko and others were released in early March. He could have done it a day later, two days later, indeed any day after their release.
What then has changed? Has the State suddenly got enough evidence to give them reasonable suspicion that the accused committed the alleged offences? Perhaps. But there could be another motive, which has little to do with the law.
That the AG chose to do so on May 4, 2009 has to be considered within the context of the on-going political negotiations, which have probably hit a sticky patch.
We must also consider another relevant aspect. This is not the first time that the AG has issued a notice of this nature - indeed, as I have said it is the norm in most cases.
However, my understanding is that as a matter of practice the norm is for arrangements for bail to be made where necessary so that in this case, when the AG issued the notice, he could have stated that he would not oppose bail.
The lawyers for Mukoko and others could therefore have applied for bail, which if she had the power, the magistrate could have dealt with. That means Mukoko and others would have been spared the ordeal of jail. So why was consent delayed until a day later?
Did it suddenly dawn on the AG that it made no sense to lock away accused persons who were on bail, which bail they had not breached? Or was there a bigger, invisible hand that caused him to see reason?
There might be an argument that there is something wrong with the law which allows the AG to do as he did in this case because it is prone to abuse.That may well be true. The justice system is predicated on the basis that the officers of the law, the AG included, will uphold the Constitution and behave in a civilised manner.
It is expected that the AG will be fair, reasonable and use the powers given to him in lawful manner, i.e. that there will be no abuse of powers.That is why there have been no similar problems as this in the past. But this system is too dependent on the character of the office holder.
Someone could be vindictive and unreasonable and refuse to consent to bail, thereby consigning the accused to prison for a lengthy period of time. The presumptions are misplaced in today's Zimbabwe.There was no reason for Mukoko and others to be sent to prison even for a day.
The AG could have issued the indictment notice and indicated that he would not oppose bail. That would have been a reasonable and sensible use of the powers.
The accused have not breached their bail conditions (at least there is no allegation that they have). Given the seriousness of the charges they are facing, one might have thought they would do a runner, especially having been unlawfully captured and subjected to inhumane and degrading treatment during that initial detention. They did no such thing.
Cynics will be forgiven for holding on to the view that the cases were always politically-motivated. They have been resurrected in part due to the challenges of the current negotiations on "outstanding matters" from the Global Political Agreement (GPA). As always the law is no more than a veil to earn legitimacy.
Soon, the justifications of the rule of law will be heard from those pulling the strings. The only problem with the law as presently stated is that it is prone to abuse but a reasonable AG can still conduct him/herself without causing undue hardship to accused persons.
The Magistrate did nothing wrong - she had little power to order their release in the absence of a bail application and the consent of the AG. If the AG had opposed bail and she agreed with his reasoning then there would be cause to be more critical of her. In the end the matter was resolved because the root of the problem, at the AG's office solved it by consenting to bail. Why did it not happen on the first day? The problem is simple.
It is that those charged with power saw it fit to tighten the vice-grip on the cojones of Messers Morgan Tsvangirai, Arthur Mutambara, et al. These poor souls detained were the pawns. It's crazy. It's ridiculous. I had wanted to believe very strongly that there is something beautiful that can be salvaged from this political hybrid of a government.
But with each passing day, even my own optimism, which, I must admit can seem overly naively eternal, has taken a huge knock. Why do we always shoot ourselves in the foot? Are we surely incapable of doing the right thing? And above all, how do they, those who do these things, how do they sleep at night, if at all?
Police Seeks to Arrest Independent Zimbabwe Journalists
BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE AND BERTHA SHOKO
AS the Kariba media stakeholders' conference, convened to draw up a roadmap for reforms in the sector, closed this weekend, officers from the Police Law and Order Section swooped on the offices of the Zimbabwe Independent seeking to arrest its Editor and News Editor.
The officers, acting on the orders of Detective Chief Inspector Ntini, said they had been sent to arrest Vincent Kahiya and Constantine Chimakure, Editor and News Editor respectively, over a story published on Friday naming Central Intelligence Organisation officers and police officers who were allegedly involved in the abduction of human rights and MDC activists in November last year.
Three officers - Inspectors Mukwaira (030805H), Justein (045073R), and Kambizi (045121T) told Zimind Group Chief Executive Officer Raphael Khumalo they had been sent to arrest Kahiya and Chimakure. Zimbabwe Independent staff do not work on Saturdays.
Ntini told Khumalo the two were wanted for questioning for publishing the names of the officers behind abductions of MDC and human rights activists last year.
In his conversation with Ntini over the phone Khumalo defended the paper's position saying the story was based on court records and that there was no basis for seeking Kahiya and Chimakure's arrest.
The information had been supplied by the Attorney-General's office as part of the notices of indictment for trial served on the MDC and civic activists and was therefore in the public domain.
Khumalo told Ntini the company would not hesitate to expose such continued harassment of the media to show the world that such violations are continuing even under the new political dispensation.
"The attempt to arrest Kahiya and Chimakure amounts to harassment," Khumalo said,"at a time when the government is holding a media reform conference to put an end to this sort of thing. The episode shows there has been no change in the role of the police."
The Kariba conference, part of a government charm offensive, began on Thursday but was poorly attended after many journalists and media organisations boycotted the event in protest against the detention of journalist, Shadreck Andrisson Manyere.
Journalists grouped under the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe stayed away from the meeting because Manyere, who is facing banditry and terrorism charges, had not been released from prison.
The journalists said it was impossible for them to attend a conference when one of their own was under detention using the same repressive laws that are meant to be under discussion.
They were also protesting against the inclusion of what they referred to as "media hangmen" on the programme.
Among those lined up to speak were former chairman of the Media and Information Commission Tafataona Mahoso and former information minister Jonathan Moyo, fingered as the brains behind the notorious Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act and the Public Order and Security Act. But Moyo did not attend.National chairman of the Media Institute of Southern Africa - Zimbabwe Chapter - Loughty Dube said media boycotted the event because government had reneged on its promise to release Manyere as previously agreed.
Dube said the Deputy Minister of Media, Information and Publicity, Jameson Timba had assured them when they met last Tuesday that Manyere would be released the following day.
"We felt that we could not go and negotiate when our members are being persecuted," said Dube. "We are not against the media reform process but what we want is a reformed media environment."
He said journalists who attended the conference went to Kariba in their individual capacities. Zimbabwe Union of Journalists (ZUJ) president Matthew Takaona was among those who attended the conference.
Takaona said while ZUJ does not condone the arrest of journalists by government, it was necessary for media practitioners to attend the conference.
"If journalists had not come here completely, it was going to be a disaster in terms of the recommendations that are going to come out," he said.
Other journalists who attended the meeting were Financial Gazette Editor Hama Saburi, Cris Chinaka of Reuters, media consultant Bornwell Chakaodza and journalist-cum-politician Kindness Paradza.
The conference recommended that Aippa be replaced with a Freedom of Information Act and a Media Practitioners' Registration Act which will make registration of journalists a formality.
It also recommended that the Zimbabwe Media Commission be constituted as soon as possible. The commission should be a transitional body, it was said, which when the constitutional reform process is started will give way to self-regulation in the profession.
The conference said government must support self-regulation, foreign investors should only be able to take up 49% in local media, criminal defamation should be repealed, cross-ownership of media disallowed and government should assist in the formation of a National Employment Council (NEC) for journalists.
It was also suggested that the ZBC board be appointed by Parliament to make it a fully public broadcaster.
No foreign investors in community radio stations should be permitted but donations would be acceptable and the President and the Prime Minister would not be "insulted".
Last week's re-detention of Zimbabwe Peace Project director Jestina Mukoko and Manyere's continued incarceration triggered the initial move to boycott the conference.
Although Mukoko was released last Wednesday along with other political detainees, Manyere remained detained along with Tsvangirai's former personal assistant Gandhi Mudzingwa and MDC director of security Chris Dhlamini.
BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE AND BERTHA SHOKO
AS the Kariba media stakeholders' conference, convened to draw up a roadmap for reforms in the sector, closed this weekend, officers from the Police Law and Order Section swooped on the offices of the Zimbabwe Independent seeking to arrest its Editor and News Editor.
The officers, acting on the orders of Detective Chief Inspector Ntini, said they had been sent to arrest Vincent Kahiya and Constantine Chimakure, Editor and News Editor respectively, over a story published on Friday naming Central Intelligence Organisation officers and police officers who were allegedly involved in the abduction of human rights and MDC activists in November last year.
Three officers - Inspectors Mukwaira (030805H), Justein (045073R), and Kambizi (045121T) told Zimind Group Chief Executive Officer Raphael Khumalo they had been sent to arrest Kahiya and Chimakure. Zimbabwe Independent staff do not work on Saturdays.
Ntini told Khumalo the two were wanted for questioning for publishing the names of the officers behind abductions of MDC and human rights activists last year.
In his conversation with Ntini over the phone Khumalo defended the paper's position saying the story was based on court records and that there was no basis for seeking Kahiya and Chimakure's arrest.
The information had been supplied by the Attorney-General's office as part of the notices of indictment for trial served on the MDC and civic activists and was therefore in the public domain.
Khumalo told Ntini the company would not hesitate to expose such continued harassment of the media to show the world that such violations are continuing even under the new political dispensation.
"The attempt to arrest Kahiya and Chimakure amounts to harassment," Khumalo said,"at a time when the government is holding a media reform conference to put an end to this sort of thing. The episode shows there has been no change in the role of the police."
The Kariba conference, part of a government charm offensive, began on Thursday but was poorly attended after many journalists and media organisations boycotted the event in protest against the detention of journalist, Shadreck Andrisson Manyere.
Journalists grouped under the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe stayed away from the meeting because Manyere, who is facing banditry and terrorism charges, had not been released from prison.
The journalists said it was impossible for them to attend a conference when one of their own was under detention using the same repressive laws that are meant to be under discussion.
They were also protesting against the inclusion of what they referred to as "media hangmen" on the programme.
Among those lined up to speak were former chairman of the Media and Information Commission Tafataona Mahoso and former information minister Jonathan Moyo, fingered as the brains behind the notorious Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act and the Public Order and Security Act. But Moyo did not attend.National chairman of the Media Institute of Southern Africa - Zimbabwe Chapter - Loughty Dube said media boycotted the event because government had reneged on its promise to release Manyere as previously agreed.
Dube said the Deputy Minister of Media, Information and Publicity, Jameson Timba had assured them when they met last Tuesday that Manyere would be released the following day.
"We felt that we could not go and negotiate when our members are being persecuted," said Dube. "We are not against the media reform process but what we want is a reformed media environment."
He said journalists who attended the conference went to Kariba in their individual capacities. Zimbabwe Union of Journalists (ZUJ) president Matthew Takaona was among those who attended the conference.
Takaona said while ZUJ does not condone the arrest of journalists by government, it was necessary for media practitioners to attend the conference.
"If journalists had not come here completely, it was going to be a disaster in terms of the recommendations that are going to come out," he said.
Other journalists who attended the meeting were Financial Gazette Editor Hama Saburi, Cris Chinaka of Reuters, media consultant Bornwell Chakaodza and journalist-cum-politician Kindness Paradza.
The conference recommended that Aippa be replaced with a Freedom of Information Act and a Media Practitioners' Registration Act which will make registration of journalists a formality.
It also recommended that the Zimbabwe Media Commission be constituted as soon as possible. The commission should be a transitional body, it was said, which when the constitutional reform process is started will give way to self-regulation in the profession.
The conference said government must support self-regulation, foreign investors should only be able to take up 49% in local media, criminal defamation should be repealed, cross-ownership of media disallowed and government should assist in the formation of a National Employment Council (NEC) for journalists.
It was also suggested that the ZBC board be appointed by Parliament to make it a fully public broadcaster.
No foreign investors in community radio stations should be permitted but donations would be acceptable and the President and the Prime Minister would not be "insulted".
Last week's re-detention of Zimbabwe Peace Project director Jestina Mukoko and Manyere's continued incarceration triggered the initial move to boycott the conference.
Although Mukoko was released last Wednesday along with other political detainees, Manyere remained detained along with Tsvangirai's former personal assistant Gandhi Mudzingwa and MDC director of security Chris Dhlamini.
BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE AND BERTHA SHOKO
Friday, May 8, 2009
CIO Operatives Behind the Abduction of Zimbabwe Human Rights Activists
BY CONSTANTINE CHIMAKURE- Harare
THE Attorney-General's Office has revealed the names of some of the members of the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) and the police who were allegedly involved in the abduction of human rights and MDC activists last November.
Eighteen MDC and human rights activists, among them Zimbabwe Peace Project director Jestina Mukoko, were allegedly abducted, kept incommunicado and tortured between November and December last year by state security agents.
Notices of indictment for trial in the High Court served on some of the activists this week revealed the role the CIO and the police played when the activists were reported missing last year.
They also revealed that the activists were in the custody of state spies, though the police professed ignorance of their whereabouts until late December when they issued a press statement saying the abductees were in their custody facing banditry charges.
A perusal of the notices revealed that Assistant Director External in the CIO, retired Brigadier Asher Walter Tapfumanei, police superintendents Reggies Chitekwe and Joel Tenderere, detective inspectors Elliot Muchada and Joshua Muzanango, officer commanding CID Homicide Crispen Makedenge, Chief Superintendent Peter Magwenzi, and Senior Assistant Commissioner Simon Nyathi were involved in some of the abductees' cases.
In the notice of indictment served on Regis Mujeye, the Attorney-General's Office said Tapfumanei would tell the High Court when the trial opens on June 29 that on November 29 last year he "caused" the accused "to be collected from a secure place" where he was being held in connection with banditry allegations.
Mujeye, freelance journalist Shadreck Andrison Manyere, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's former aide Gandhi Mudzingwa, MDC-T security director Kisimusi Dhlamini and party members Zacharia Nkomo, Chinoto Zulu, and Mapfumo Garutsa, are facing five counts of twice bombing Harare Central Police Station, Manyame River Bridge and Rail Bridge and Harare CID headquarters at Morris Depot.
"He (Tapfumanei) will state that he captured the 1st accused (Dhlamini)'s statement on video in which he narrated his involvement, especially the bombings and implicated the 2nd accused person (Mudzingwa)," read the notice. "The 1st accused's statement which was captured on video was given freely and voluntarily."
Chitekwe will tell the court that he was requested by the CIO on November 25 2008 to assist them in "conducting a search at the residence" of Dhlamini where he allegedly recovered a cordtex and a safety fuse in his tool box in the bedroom underneath the bed.
The police officer will also testify that he interrogated Dhlamini who then implicated Mudzingwa, Zulu, Manyere, Nkomo and Mujeye.
Chitekwe will also testify that he was requested by the CIO to assist them in searching Mudzingwa's home and on December 13 last year the security agents asked him to search Manyere's house.
The police officer will claim that they recovered a tear smoke grenade from Mudzingwa and 48 rounds of ammunition of 9mm cartridges at Manyere's residence.
The notice revealed that the seven accused persons were officially handed over to the police on December 22 last year who had kept them in their custody since they were allegedly abducted in November the same year.
"On December 22 2008 he (Makedenge) was handed over the seven accused persons by state security agents who were holding them at a safe place whilst conducting investigations into acts of insurgency, banditry, sabotage or terrorism which the accused had committed," the notice read. "On the same date he was handed the following exhibits by state security agents: i) a cordtex and a safety fuse; ii) a tear smoke grenade; and iii) 48x9mm rounds of ammunition."
The following day, Muchada recorded the accused persons' warned and cautioned statements in the presence of Muzanago.
In another indictment notice served on MDC-T youth chairman for Zvimba District, Collen Mutemagau, Tapfumanei and Nyathi were involved in the case.
Mutemagau is jointly charged with MDC-T national executive member Concillia Chinanzvavana and fellow party members Fidelis Chiramba and Violet Mupfuranhewe on allegations that between July 1 and October 30 last year they recruited Tapera Mupfuranhewe and other party youths to undergo military training in Botswana for the purpose of committing acts of
banditry.
The AG's office said Tapfumanei would tell the High Court when the case opens on June 8 that he used Tapera as an informer in the alleged recruitment of the youths.
Nyathi will testify that on October 31, Chiramba and Violet were arrested by Magwenzi on the banditry allegations and their warned and cautioned statements recorded. They were released on November 4 from police custody.
The two accused persons, according to their lawyers, were then abducted.
"He (Nyathi) will state that on 22 December 2008 accused persons were handed over to Chief Superintendent Magwenzi by state security agents and on 23 December 2003 he interviewed them and later recorded warned and cautioned statements," the notice read.
In another notice of indictment served on MDC-T activist Manuel Chinanzvavana, who is jointly charged with Mukoko, Audrey Zimbudzana, Brodrick Takawira and Pieta Kaseke, Magwenzi will testify that the five accused persons were handed over to him by the CIO on December 23, while Tapfumanei will confirm that he interviewed the suspects and recorded a video in connection with their case.
Chinanzvavana, Mukoko, Zimbudzana, Takawira and Kaseke will face trial in the High Court on July 20 on allegations that between April 2008 and October 31 2008 they recruited Ricardo Hwasheni to undergo military training in Botswana for purposes of banditry in Zimbabwe.
THE Attorney-General's Office has revealed the names of some of the members of the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) and the police who were allegedly involved in the abduction of human rights and MDC activists last November.
Eighteen MDC and human rights activists, among them Zimbabwe Peace Project director Jestina Mukoko, were allegedly abducted, kept incommunicado and tortured between November and December last year by state security agents.
Notices of indictment for trial in the High Court served on some of the activists this week revealed the role the CIO and the police played when the activists were reported missing last year.
They also revealed that the activists were in the custody of state spies, though the police professed ignorance of their whereabouts until late December when they issued a press statement saying the abductees were in their custody facing banditry charges.
A perusal of the notices revealed that Assistant Director External in the CIO, retired Brigadier Asher Walter Tapfumanei, police superintendents Reggies Chitekwe and Joel Tenderere, detective inspectors Elliot Muchada and Joshua Muzanango, officer commanding CID Homicide Crispen Makedenge, Chief Superintendent Peter Magwenzi, and Senior Assistant Commissioner Simon Nyathi were involved in some of the abductees' cases.
In the notice of indictment served on Regis Mujeye, the Attorney-General's Office said Tapfumanei would tell the High Court when the trial opens on June 29 that on November 29 last year he "caused" the accused "to be collected from a secure place" where he was being held in connection with banditry allegations.
Mujeye, freelance journalist Shadreck Andrison Manyere, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's former aide Gandhi Mudzingwa, MDC-T security director Kisimusi Dhlamini and party members Zacharia Nkomo, Chinoto Zulu, and Mapfumo Garutsa, are facing five counts of twice bombing Harare Central Police Station, Manyame River Bridge and Rail Bridge and Harare CID headquarters at Morris Depot.
"He (Tapfumanei) will state that he captured the 1st accused (Dhlamini)'s statement on video in which he narrated his involvement, especially the bombings and implicated the 2nd accused person (Mudzingwa)," read the notice. "The 1st accused's statement which was captured on video was given freely and voluntarily."
Chitekwe will tell the court that he was requested by the CIO on November 25 2008 to assist them in "conducting a search at the residence" of Dhlamini where he allegedly recovered a cordtex and a safety fuse in his tool box in the bedroom underneath the bed.
The police officer will also testify that he interrogated Dhlamini who then implicated Mudzingwa, Zulu, Manyere, Nkomo and Mujeye.
Chitekwe will also testify that he was requested by the CIO to assist them in searching Mudzingwa's home and on December 13 last year the security agents asked him to search Manyere's house.
The police officer will claim that they recovered a tear smoke grenade from Mudzingwa and 48 rounds of ammunition of 9mm cartridges at Manyere's residence.
The notice revealed that the seven accused persons were officially handed over to the police on December 22 last year who had kept them in their custody since they were allegedly abducted in November the same year.
"On December 22 2008 he (Makedenge) was handed over the seven accused persons by state security agents who were holding them at a safe place whilst conducting investigations into acts of insurgency, banditry, sabotage or terrorism which the accused had committed," the notice read. "On the same date he was handed the following exhibits by state security agents: i) a cordtex and a safety fuse; ii) a tear smoke grenade; and iii) 48x9mm rounds of ammunition."
The following day, Muchada recorded the accused persons' warned and cautioned statements in the presence of Muzanago.
In another indictment notice served on MDC-T youth chairman for Zvimba District, Collen Mutemagau, Tapfumanei and Nyathi were involved in the case.
Mutemagau is jointly charged with MDC-T national executive member Concillia Chinanzvavana and fellow party members Fidelis Chiramba and Violet Mupfuranhewe on allegations that between July 1 and October 30 last year they recruited Tapera Mupfuranhewe and other party youths to undergo military training in Botswana for the purpose of committing acts of
banditry.
The AG's office said Tapfumanei would tell the High Court when the case opens on June 8 that he used Tapera as an informer in the alleged recruitment of the youths.
Nyathi will testify that on October 31, Chiramba and Violet were arrested by Magwenzi on the banditry allegations and their warned and cautioned statements recorded. They were released on November 4 from police custody.
The two accused persons, according to their lawyers, were then abducted.
"He (Nyathi) will state that on 22 December 2008 accused persons were handed over to Chief Superintendent Magwenzi by state security agents and on 23 December 2003 he interviewed them and later recorded warned and cautioned statements," the notice read.
In another notice of indictment served on MDC-T activist Manuel Chinanzvavana, who is jointly charged with Mukoko, Audrey Zimbudzana, Brodrick Takawira and Pieta Kaseke, Magwenzi will testify that the five accused persons were handed over to him by the CIO on December 23, while Tapfumanei will confirm that he interviewed the suspects and recorded a video in connection with their case.
Chinanzvavana, Mukoko, Zimbudzana, Takawira and Kaseke will face trial in the High Court on July 20 on allegations that between April 2008 and October 31 2008 they recruited Ricardo Hwasheni to undergo military training in Botswana for purposes of banditry in Zimbabwe.
Tuesday, May 5, 2009
Jestina Mukoko rearrested among a new wave of human rights violations
Jenny Booth
A prominent Zimbabwean rights activist caught up in a terrorism case widely denounced as a sham has been taken back to prison after prosecutors formally laid charges.
Jestina Mukoko appeared stunned as she heard that her bail was being revoked, standing wordlessly in the dock staring at Harare Magistrate Catherine Chimanda, as her supporters burst into tears. Fifteen others accused in the case also had their bail rescinded.
Ms Chimanda said today that she was ordering them back to prison because a formal indictment had been filed a day earlier. The indictment accuses Ms Mukoko and the 15 others of sabotage, terrorism and banditry.
The activists, who also include several opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) members, say they were abducted by state security agents from their homes in a series of raids that began last October and held incommunicado in secret locations for weeks.
They were not charged, but say they were beaten on the feet, subjected to simulated drownings, locked in freezers and hung by their wrists to extract false confessions that they had trained as terrorists to overthrow Mr Mugabe.
Supporters had originally feared for Ms Mukoko's life and were relieved when she appeared in court on Christmas Eve, three weeks after she was taken from her home in her nightdress. Zimbabwean police disobeyed the magistrate's order to release her.
Her fate and that of the other detainees has become symbolic of the battle for the heart and soul of the country between Mr Mugabe, who has ruled for 28 years, and Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC leader whom he was forced to accept as Prime Minister after last year's general election and political stalemate.
Ms Mukoko's Zimbabwe Peace Project recorded incidents of alleged political violence by the Mugabe regime. Between January and September last year, it catalogued 20,143 incidents, including 202 murders, 463 abductions, 41 rapes, 411 cases of torture and 3,942 assaults.
On his first day in office in February, the Prime Minister used his new powers to enter the Chikurubi maximum security prison in Harare to see Ms Mukoko and the other detainees, in a move meant to assert his authority and rebut the perception that he is subordinate to Mr Mugabe.
The suspects were eventually freed on bail at the beginning of March, still without charges having been filed against them.
Defence lawyers today pledged to appeal against the loss of bail.
“We were surprised by the magistrate’s decision as we were making prior arrangements with the state. She just said the matter was now outside her jurisdiction and remanded them in custody,” Alec Muchadehama, one of the defence lawyers, said.
He added that the detainees had been indicted for a trial which starts next month. Lawyers were preparing to apply for bail at Zimbabwe’s High Court later on today.
Mr Tsvangirai's political party expressed its concern. “As the MDC we are very concerned with this matter as it adds to a long litany of breaches to the Global Political Agreement (signed by Mugabe and Tsvangirai on September 15),” said an MDC official.
Sharp differences still remain between Mr Mugabe and Mr Tsvangirai and their factions over issues such as the review of the posts of central bank governor and attorney general.
Mr Mugabe has yet to swear in Roy Bennett, a senior white MDC member, as deputy Agriculture Minister. Mr Bennett was locked up in prison for a month in February on charges of plotting terrorism.
Western donors, who have demanded that the unity government carry out wider political and media reforms and called for the release of all political prisoners before committing funding, are likely to raise concern
A prominent Zimbabwean rights activist caught up in a terrorism case widely denounced as a sham has been taken back to prison after prosecutors formally laid charges.
Jestina Mukoko appeared stunned as she heard that her bail was being revoked, standing wordlessly in the dock staring at Harare Magistrate Catherine Chimanda, as her supporters burst into tears. Fifteen others accused in the case also had their bail rescinded.
Ms Chimanda said today that she was ordering them back to prison because a formal indictment had been filed a day earlier. The indictment accuses Ms Mukoko and the 15 others of sabotage, terrorism and banditry.
The activists, who also include several opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) members, say they were abducted by state security agents from their homes in a series of raids that began last October and held incommunicado in secret locations for weeks.
They were not charged, but say they were beaten on the feet, subjected to simulated drownings, locked in freezers and hung by their wrists to extract false confessions that they had trained as terrorists to overthrow Mr Mugabe.
Supporters had originally feared for Ms Mukoko's life and were relieved when she appeared in court on Christmas Eve, three weeks after she was taken from her home in her nightdress. Zimbabwean police disobeyed the magistrate's order to release her.
Her fate and that of the other detainees has become symbolic of the battle for the heart and soul of the country between Mr Mugabe, who has ruled for 28 years, and Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC leader whom he was forced to accept as Prime Minister after last year's general election and political stalemate.
Ms Mukoko's Zimbabwe Peace Project recorded incidents of alleged political violence by the Mugabe regime. Between January and September last year, it catalogued 20,143 incidents, including 202 murders, 463 abductions, 41 rapes, 411 cases of torture and 3,942 assaults.
On his first day in office in February, the Prime Minister used his new powers to enter the Chikurubi maximum security prison in Harare to see Ms Mukoko and the other detainees, in a move meant to assert his authority and rebut the perception that he is subordinate to Mr Mugabe.
The suspects were eventually freed on bail at the beginning of March, still without charges having been filed against them.
Defence lawyers today pledged to appeal against the loss of bail.
“We were surprised by the magistrate’s decision as we were making prior arrangements with the state. She just said the matter was now outside her jurisdiction and remanded them in custody,” Alec Muchadehama, one of the defence lawyers, said.
He added that the detainees had been indicted for a trial which starts next month. Lawyers were preparing to apply for bail at Zimbabwe’s High Court later on today.
Mr Tsvangirai's political party expressed its concern. “As the MDC we are very concerned with this matter as it adds to a long litany of breaches to the Global Political Agreement (signed by Mugabe and Tsvangirai on September 15),” said an MDC official.
Sharp differences still remain between Mr Mugabe and Mr Tsvangirai and their factions over issues such as the review of the posts of central bank governor and attorney general.
Mr Mugabe has yet to swear in Roy Bennett, a senior white MDC member, as deputy Agriculture Minister. Mr Bennett was locked up in prison for a month in February on charges of plotting terrorism.
Western donors, who have demanded that the unity government carry out wider political and media reforms and called for the release of all political prisoners before committing funding, are likely to raise concern
Sunday, May 3, 2009
Zimbabwe Tourism Minister Berates Media over Mugabe Henchman
BULAWAYO - Tourism Minister Walter Mzembi has castigated the media for covering a demonstration organised by war veterans' leader Joseph Chinotimba, saying Zimbabwe was trying to repair its battered image which had seen tourism decline rapidly.
Joseph Chinotimba, one of the most prominent terror figures was also blasted for continuing to tarnish the image of the country when the government was fighting to attract tourists ahead of the 2010 World Cup.
Chinotimba, a leader of the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans' Association, organised war veterans last week to protest against the drive to repossess farms and farming equipment given to new farmers by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe from those who were productively using them.
This is the first time a Zanu-PF official has publicly censured the activities of the war veterans who have been in the forefront of the land invasions going back over the past 10 years. Chinotimba a former municipal security guard, whose credentials as a veteran of Zimbabwe's war of liberation have been openly questioned, has climbed the ladder of success within Zanu-PF merely for the role he has played in spreading the violence which has tarnished the country's image abroad.
Speaking at a business conference organised by the National Economic Consultative Forum at the Zimbabwe International Trade Fair yesterday, Mzembi said his ministry was doing everything to take advantage of the 2010 soccer World Cup to he held in South Africa.
He called on the business community to capitalise on this mega event because the next event of its size in Africa would only be held in 2034.
Mzembi said his ministry had lobbied strongly for the lifting of travel warnings by the West. So far, the United States, Britain, Germany, Sweden and Japan had lifted these travel warnings. The European Union was likely to follow suit in a week or two.
"We are now regarded as a free, very safe and secure destination. We don't need the kind of publicity we are getting from my own brother Chinotimba. We do not need this now," he said to applause from the business people attending the conference.
At one time 45 airlines were flying into the country but this was now down to seven. Tourism had also become one of the major contributors to gross domestic product but last year it was down to five percent.
Mzembi said the country had two million tourists last year, down from 2,5million the previous year. It earned US$294 million compared to US$365 million in 2007.
The minister said tourism was critical for every sector in the country. The 2010 World Cup offered opportunities for the construction industry, the manufacturing sector and the service industry.
He said Zimbabwe should improve its water and sewerage systems because tourists were scared by the recent cholera epidemic. It should also improve its health services as well as the availability of accommodation.
South Africa had indicated that it would need 40 000 rooms for the World Cup which is now exactly 12 months away but a survey had indicated that only 10 000 rooms were available. It was therefore up to business to provide the additional rooms needed, Mzembi said.
He also called on the financial sector to reintroduce the use of plastic money because it was inconvenient for tourists to travel with cash.
Joseph Chinotimba, one of the most prominent terror figures was also blasted for continuing to tarnish the image of the country when the government was fighting to attract tourists ahead of the 2010 World Cup.
Chinotimba, a leader of the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans' Association, organised war veterans last week to protest against the drive to repossess farms and farming equipment given to new farmers by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe from those who were productively using them.
This is the first time a Zanu-PF official has publicly censured the activities of the war veterans who have been in the forefront of the land invasions going back over the past 10 years. Chinotimba a former municipal security guard, whose credentials as a veteran of Zimbabwe's war of liberation have been openly questioned, has climbed the ladder of success within Zanu-PF merely for the role he has played in spreading the violence which has tarnished the country's image abroad.
Speaking at a business conference organised by the National Economic Consultative Forum at the Zimbabwe International Trade Fair yesterday, Mzembi said his ministry was doing everything to take advantage of the 2010 soccer World Cup to he held in South Africa.
He called on the business community to capitalise on this mega event because the next event of its size in Africa would only be held in 2034.
Mzembi said his ministry had lobbied strongly for the lifting of travel warnings by the West. So far, the United States, Britain, Germany, Sweden and Japan had lifted these travel warnings. The European Union was likely to follow suit in a week or two.
"We are now regarded as a free, very safe and secure destination. We don't need the kind of publicity we are getting from my own brother Chinotimba. We do not need this now," he said to applause from the business people attending the conference.
At one time 45 airlines were flying into the country but this was now down to seven. Tourism had also become one of the major contributors to gross domestic product but last year it was down to five percent.
Mzembi said the country had two million tourists last year, down from 2,5million the previous year. It earned US$294 million compared to US$365 million in 2007.
The minister said tourism was critical for every sector in the country. The 2010 World Cup offered opportunities for the construction industry, the manufacturing sector and the service industry.
He said Zimbabwe should improve its water and sewerage systems because tourists were scared by the recent cholera epidemic. It should also improve its health services as well as the availability of accommodation.
South Africa had indicated that it would need 40 000 rooms for the World Cup which is now exactly 12 months away but a survey had indicated that only 10 000 rooms were available. It was therefore up to business to provide the additional rooms needed, Mzembi said.
He also called on the financial sector to reintroduce the use of plastic money because it was inconvenient for tourists to travel with cash.
Friday, May 1, 2009
"Zimbabwe is Broke" - Tsvangirai
Morgan Tsvangirai tells unions country broke, can't raise wages
By Nelson Banya Harare
ZIMBABWE'S new unity government is broke and cannot meet union demands for higher wages, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai said today.
Addressing a May Day rally, Tsvangirai said the government he formed with President Robert Mugabe in February to try to end a political and economic crisis that has brought Zimbabwe to ruin would maintain the current monthly salary of US$100 (RM360) that it is paying its workers.
“This government is broke, and we are only able to pay the US$100 allowance, but when things improve, we want this allowance to graduate into a proper salary,” he said. “For now, everyone, all of us, including President Mugabe, is getting US$100”.
Tsvangirai, a fiery former trade union chief, pleaded with Zimbabwe’s Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) to give the new government time to fix the economy before pressing its demands for a minimum wage of US$454.
“We have been in office for less than three months. I plead with you to please give us time,” he said. “Your demands must be realistic, taking into account that your government is broke and that industry has not been performing.”
Earlier, ZCTU President Lovemore Matombo told thousands of cheering workers at the rally that the labour movement would call national strikes and protests to press its case.
“If this is not met, the workers are going onto the streets,” Matombo said, without giving any deadline.
Tsvangirai said although Mugabe was not an easy person to work with, both his Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and the veteran President’s Zanu PF wanted the government to succeed in repairing the economy and achieving peace and stability.
“We have our arguments, our quarrels but we want this country to succeed,” he added.
On the wage demands, he said: “You know we would want to pay ... but this has to be a process and we are working to resuscitate the economy.”
The government has appealed for billions of dollars from the West to help revive Zimbabwe’s shattered economy, but Western donors such as Britain want to see further progress in implementing a power-sharing agreement before considering any large-scale aid.
Finance Minister Tendai Biti, who held talks in London on Thursday with Foreign Secretary David Miliband and Africa Minister Mark Malloch-Brown, said his country was receiving US$400 million in credit lines from African states to revive its ailing industry.
Although the funds from African states may help, Zimbabwe is in dire need of aid from Western donors, who have demanded broad economic and political reforms, including ending a new wave of farm invasions targeting the few remaining white farmers.
Mugabe, 85, Zimbabwe’s ruler since independence from Britain in 1980, says the southern African country’s economy has been sabotaged by “racist” enemies of his policy to seize white farms for landless blacks. – Reuters
By Nelson Banya Harare
ZIMBABWE'S new unity government is broke and cannot meet union demands for higher wages, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai said today.
Addressing a May Day rally, Tsvangirai said the government he formed with President Robert Mugabe in February to try to end a political and economic crisis that has brought Zimbabwe to ruin would maintain the current monthly salary of US$100 (RM360) that it is paying its workers.
“This government is broke, and we are only able to pay the US$100 allowance, but when things improve, we want this allowance to graduate into a proper salary,” he said. “For now, everyone, all of us, including President Mugabe, is getting US$100”.
Tsvangirai, a fiery former trade union chief, pleaded with Zimbabwe’s Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) to give the new government time to fix the economy before pressing its demands for a minimum wage of US$454.
“We have been in office for less than three months. I plead with you to please give us time,” he said. “Your demands must be realistic, taking into account that your government is broke and that industry has not been performing.”
Earlier, ZCTU President Lovemore Matombo told thousands of cheering workers at the rally that the labour movement would call national strikes and protests to press its case.
“If this is not met, the workers are going onto the streets,” Matombo said, without giving any deadline.
Tsvangirai said although Mugabe was not an easy person to work with, both his Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and the veteran President’s Zanu PF wanted the government to succeed in repairing the economy and achieving peace and stability.
“We have our arguments, our quarrels but we want this country to succeed,” he added.
On the wage demands, he said: “You know we would want to pay ... but this has to be a process and we are working to resuscitate the economy.”
The government has appealed for billions of dollars from the West to help revive Zimbabwe’s shattered economy, but Western donors such as Britain want to see further progress in implementing a power-sharing agreement before considering any large-scale aid.
Finance Minister Tendai Biti, who held talks in London on Thursday with Foreign Secretary David Miliband and Africa Minister Mark Malloch-Brown, said his country was receiving US$400 million in credit lines from African states to revive its ailing industry.
Although the funds from African states may help, Zimbabwe is in dire need of aid from Western donors, who have demanded broad economic and political reforms, including ending a new wave of farm invasions targeting the few remaining white farmers.
Mugabe, 85, Zimbabwe’s ruler since independence from Britain in 1980, says the southern African country’s economy has been sabotaged by “racist” enemies of his policy to seize white farms for landless blacks. – Reuters
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