Is Tsvangirai covering up Mugabe's misdemeanours?
By Violet Gonda
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has been making statements that people find hard to reconcile with events on the ground. There is speculation as to whether he is trying too hard to make this controversial unity government work.
This weekend he told thousands of party supporters: "We respect each other, although we may disagree. There's nothing (Robert) Mugabe does without me approving and there is nothing I do without him approving."People are questioning what could have made the Prime Minister make such a statement, at a time when his own Director of security, Chris Dhlamini, and former aide Gandhi Mudzingwa, are being hounded by the police and are under an illegal arrest. And to what extent has the Prime Minister been consulted on the ZANU PF led violent farm invasions campaign?
Observers say the trouble is by saying such things Tsvangirai makes himself equally responsible or accepting liability for ZANU PF's wrongdoings. If it is the case that the two leaders respect and consult each other, did Mugabe consult Tsvangirai when he appointed his own governors and permanent secretaries? If it is true that there's nothing Mugabe does without Tsvangirai approval, why are the political rivals locked in a stalemate over issues to do with appointments of the Reserve Bank Governor and the Attorney General?
Political commentator Professor John Makumbe said: "I think it's an
exaggeration of the reality on the ground in the sense that there are things that Mugabe has done without consulting either Morgan or Arthur (Mutambara) and these things have been challenged by Tsvangirai and Mutambara. So I think he is really covering for Mugabe's misdemeanours - which is really not necessary. He should tell it like it is, that it is a daily battle and that Mugabe would like to run the country as if the MDC or the GNU do not exist."
To some extent it is natural for a politician to put a spin on government policies, to remain consistent with the principle of collective responsibility. Makumbe also believes that to some extent the Prime Minister is left with little choice, saying a collapsed government of national unity could mean going straight back to violence.
But the commentator added that Tsvangirai does not have to try so hard to sanitise Mugabe's appalling behaviour.
International donors are not fooled by this inclusive arrangement and have sepeatedly said they will only increase the flow of aid to Zimbabwe when the government respects the rule of law and property rights.
Monday, April 27, 2009
Saturday, April 25, 2009
Tsvangirai, Madhuku meeting fails to heal rift
By Lebo Nkatazo
PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai "agreed to disagree" with National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) chairman Lovemore Madhuku at a crisis meeting on Wednesday to defuse simmering tensions over the process to draw up a new Zimbabwe constitution.
Tsvangirai’s Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is a member of the NCA, and he was the vocal lobby group’s first chairman.
The meeting, called by the Prime Minister’s Office, was attended by Tsvangirai, his deputy Thokozani Khupe and Constitutional Affairs Minister Eric Matinenga on one side, and Madhuku, the NCA’s director Ernest Mudzengi and NCA spokesman Mardoch Chivasa on the other.
“The meeting was called by the Prime Minister’s Office. We had previously requested to meet him in his capacity as the MDC leader. Nothing came out of it. We agreed to disagree but consultations will continue,” said Madhuku.
Madhuku said the NCA differed sharply with the Prime Minister as the constitutional reform advocacy group wants an independent panel to lead the constitutional making process as opposed to having parliament taking a leading role.
Last month, Parliament’s Standing rules and Orders Committee recommended to President Robert Mugabe, Tsvangirai and his deputy Arthur Mutambara, to appoint a non-PM to chair a 25-member committee that will steer constitutional reforms.
On Wednesday Speaker of Parliament Lovemore Moyo said the three leaders have not responded to their recommendation, and as an interim measure, they had appointed Douglas Mwonzora (MDC-T) and Paul Mangwana (Zanu PF) as co-chairman.
PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai "agreed to disagree" with National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) chairman Lovemore Madhuku at a crisis meeting on Wednesday to defuse simmering tensions over the process to draw up a new Zimbabwe constitution.
Tsvangirai’s Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is a member of the NCA, and he was the vocal lobby group’s first chairman.
The meeting, called by the Prime Minister’s Office, was attended by Tsvangirai, his deputy Thokozani Khupe and Constitutional Affairs Minister Eric Matinenga on one side, and Madhuku, the NCA’s director Ernest Mudzengi and NCA spokesman Mardoch Chivasa on the other.
“The meeting was called by the Prime Minister’s Office. We had previously requested to meet him in his capacity as the MDC leader. Nothing came out of it. We agreed to disagree but consultations will continue,” said Madhuku.
Madhuku said the NCA differed sharply with the Prime Minister as the constitutional reform advocacy group wants an independent panel to lead the constitutional making process as opposed to having parliament taking a leading role.
Last month, Parliament’s Standing rules and Orders Committee recommended to President Robert Mugabe, Tsvangirai and his deputy Arthur Mutambara, to appoint a non-PM to chair a 25-member committee that will steer constitutional reforms.
On Wednesday Speaker of Parliament Lovemore Moyo said the three leaders have not responded to their recommendation, and as an interim measure, they had appointed Douglas Mwonzora (MDC-T) and Paul Mangwana (Zanu PF) as co-chairman.
ZANU PF, MDC fail to resolve contested power sharing issues
MDC has expressed concern over delays in resolving outstanding issues to the power sharing pact signed last September with President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF party.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, President Mugabe and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara -- met three times over the last week to resolve contested issues but failed to reach any agreement.
“The MDC is concerned that the delays by the three main political principals to the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in resolving outstanding issues have created a vacuum that has left Zimbabwe without a fully constituted government,” Tsvangirai’s MDC said.
“The MDC is deeply worried by the continued delay in resolving the pertinent but outstanding issues, which should have been resolved soon after the formation of the inclusive government on February 13, 2009.”
It said critical issues that need to be “urgently resolved” include the appointments of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor, the Attorney General, provincial governors, ambassadors and permanent secretaries.
The party said the re-arresting of senior MDC officials Ghandi Mudzingwa and Chris Dhlamini on terror charges, delays in swearing-in Roy Bennett as the Deputy Agriculture Minister and the withdrawal of telecommunications by President Mugabe from Nelson Chamisa’s Information Communication Technology Ministry are all acts of bad faith by Mugabe’s party.
“Failure to resolve the outstanding issues means that the GPA and the inclusive government have not been fully consummated,” the party said. “We believe as a party that brazen acts of unilateralism, unbridled stubbornness, politically motivated chaos on the farms and the failure to take decisive action on the outstanding issues pose a real threat to the life and health of the inclusive government.”
Arthur Mutambara, in his maiden speech in Parliament on March 25, said if President Mugabe makes unilateral decisions he would be challenged “institutionally, politically and in the courts.”
“There are only three things that the President can constitutionally do without consulting the other two centres of power, that is; declare war, declare martial law, and appoint his two deputies. On any other decisions there has to be discussions with the Premiership and Cabinet. Any behaviour outside this framework is illegal, and will be challenged, institutionally, politically and in the courts,” Mutambara said.
Further meetings are planned for Monday between the three leaders.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, President Mugabe and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara -- met three times over the last week to resolve contested issues but failed to reach any agreement.
“The MDC is concerned that the delays by the three main political principals to the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in resolving outstanding issues have created a vacuum that has left Zimbabwe without a fully constituted government,” Tsvangirai’s MDC said.
“The MDC is deeply worried by the continued delay in resolving the pertinent but outstanding issues, which should have been resolved soon after the formation of the inclusive government on February 13, 2009.”
It said critical issues that need to be “urgently resolved” include the appointments of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor, the Attorney General, provincial governors, ambassadors and permanent secretaries.
The party said the re-arresting of senior MDC officials Ghandi Mudzingwa and Chris Dhlamini on terror charges, delays in swearing-in Roy Bennett as the Deputy Agriculture Minister and the withdrawal of telecommunications by President Mugabe from Nelson Chamisa’s Information Communication Technology Ministry are all acts of bad faith by Mugabe’s party.
“Failure to resolve the outstanding issues means that the GPA and the inclusive government have not been fully consummated,” the party said. “We believe as a party that brazen acts of unilateralism, unbridled stubbornness, politically motivated chaos on the farms and the failure to take decisive action on the outstanding issues pose a real threat to the life and health of the inclusive government.”
Arthur Mutambara, in his maiden speech in Parliament on March 25, said if President Mugabe makes unilateral decisions he would be challenged “institutionally, politically and in the courts.”
“There are only three things that the President can constitutionally do without consulting the other two centres of power, that is; declare war, declare martial law, and appoint his two deputies. On any other decisions there has to be discussions with the Premiership and Cabinet. Any behaviour outside this framework is illegal, and will be challenged, institutionally, politically and in the courts,” Mutambara said.
Further meetings are planned for Monday between the three leaders.
Wednesday, April 22, 2009
US Ambassador taunted in Zimbabwe
By ANGUS SHAW, Associated Press Writer
HARARE, Zimbabwe – Zimbabwe's state media expressed unrestrained glee Wednesday at the pending departure of U.S. Ambassador James McGee, who has frequently clashed with President Robert Mugabe.
"Thank heavens, McGee is going!" was the headline in the Herald newspaper, which also ran a vitriolic commentary about McGee's two-year tenure in Harare. The newspaper, a mouthpiece for Mugabe's party, offered pity "to whatever country next has the misfortune of hosting" McGee next.
McGee, who is African-American, is alleged to have campaigned for the ouster of Mugabe and was leaving Zimbabwe "bruised and battered" because Washington was unable to stop the formation of a power-sharing government between Mugabe and the longtime opposition movement.
"He never wanted it to happen for the simple reason that his brief was to ensure that the 'monster' called Robert Mugabe was booted out of office at all costs," the newspaper said. "On the whole, (he) treated Zimbabweans as a bunch of kindergarten kids who do not know what is best for them."
McGee's office said there were no plans to respond to the article. The ambassador leaves Zimbabwe in June.
The United States and other Western nations have viewed Zimbabwe's power-sharing coalition with caution and insist that any resumption of aid and investment depends on democratic and economic reforms and the restoration of the rule of law and human rights.
Little headway has been made on those conditions since the coalition was sworn in Feb. 16. Mugabe's party is frequently at odds with his former rival, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, and Tsvangirai's former opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change.
Violent seizures of white-owned farms, a policy began by Mugabe in 2000, have continued. The farmers support group Justice for Agriculture reported Wednesday that police opened fire on two white farmers attempting to visit their seized land southwest of Harare, injuring two workers, one seriously.
McGee, a harsh critic of Mugabe's human rights record, was among those voicing concerns that the new coalition left Mugabe with too much power.
The Herald said McGee, a Vietnam veteran and former pilot, fought "white America's war" in Vietnam.
"This is a black man who, after bombing innocent villagers ... can turn around today and talk self righteously about political violence in Zimbabwe without any shame," it said.
HARARE, Zimbabwe – Zimbabwe's state media expressed unrestrained glee Wednesday at the pending departure of U.S. Ambassador James McGee, who has frequently clashed with President Robert Mugabe.
"Thank heavens, McGee is going!" was the headline in the Herald newspaper, which also ran a vitriolic commentary about McGee's two-year tenure in Harare. The newspaper, a mouthpiece for Mugabe's party, offered pity "to whatever country next has the misfortune of hosting" McGee next.
McGee, who is African-American, is alleged to have campaigned for the ouster of Mugabe and was leaving Zimbabwe "bruised and battered" because Washington was unable to stop the formation of a power-sharing government between Mugabe and the longtime opposition movement.
"He never wanted it to happen for the simple reason that his brief was to ensure that the 'monster' called Robert Mugabe was booted out of office at all costs," the newspaper said. "On the whole, (he) treated Zimbabweans as a bunch of kindergarten kids who do not know what is best for them."
McGee's office said there were no plans to respond to the article. The ambassador leaves Zimbabwe in June.
The United States and other Western nations have viewed Zimbabwe's power-sharing coalition with caution and insist that any resumption of aid and investment depends on democratic and economic reforms and the restoration of the rule of law and human rights.
Little headway has been made on those conditions since the coalition was sworn in Feb. 16. Mugabe's party is frequently at odds with his former rival, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, and Tsvangirai's former opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change.
Violent seizures of white-owned farms, a policy began by Mugabe in 2000, have continued. The farmers support group Justice for Agriculture reported Wednesday that police opened fire on two white farmers attempting to visit their seized land southwest of Harare, injuring two workers, one seriously.
McGee, a harsh critic of Mugabe's human rights record, was among those voicing concerns that the new coalition left Mugabe with too much power.
The Herald said McGee, a Vietnam veteran and former pilot, fought "white America's war" in Vietnam.
"This is a black man who, after bombing innocent villagers ... can turn around today and talk self righteously about political violence in Zimbabwe without any shame," it said.
Monday, April 20, 2009
Farm Violence gains Momentum, while Unity Government refuses to Act
By Alex Bell
A Zimbabwe farmer who had a personal visit from a ministerial team investigating the fresh wave of land attacks last week, has described his shock that within an hour of the visit, he came under fresh attack from land invaders.
Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara last week traveled to Chegutu with a team of ministers to report on the ongoing land invasions, which have seen most of the country’s remaining farmers forced into hiding. After a whirlwind tour of the Mount Carmel farm, which has been under siege by a gang of invaders for more than three weeks, Mutambara ordered the invaders off the land. He accused them of “reaping what they did not sow,” of breaking the law and destroying the economy. He also told policemen, who have supported the invasion from the start, to uphold the law and even called one of Mugabe’s loyalists ‘immoral’.
Mugabe’s land minister, Herbert Murerwa, who was also part of the ministerial team drafted to probe the farm attacks, had to endure a reported ‘volley of anger’ from Mutambara when he saw tens of thousands of kilograms of export fruit rotting on the farm. Farmer Ben Freeth has been prevented from entering his packing shed in the past few weeks because of an ongoing invasion, which has now seen almost the entire property become a looting ground and campsite for lawless thugs.
The Deputy Prime Minister told the assembled crowd on the farm that Freeth and his workers must be left to live in their homes peacefully and to return to work the same day. But a mere hour later, after Mutambara left the family with hope that their plight was at an end, Freeth and his workers were once again chased away by the same gang of invaders. Freeth explained on Monday that very little has since changed on the farm, with the invaders still running rampant on his land. He told SW Radio Africa that he had hoped that the ministers’ visit “would at the very least mean a start of the return to the rule of law.” But he explained that his produce is still being stolen in mass quantities, and the property is still blocked by the invaders.
Freeth also expressed shock that Mutambara has since responded to the news that his orders are being ignored, by saying he would not take any action. Mutambara said: “What matters is that the next time Mugabe denies there have been fresh land invasions I can say that is not true, I saw it for myself.” The statement is another clear indication that the MDC holds no power in the unity government, with Robert Mugabe at its helm. Freeth explained that a High Court order protecting the family was granted on Monday, but argued that the order will likely not prevent the invasion from continuing.
“A farm down the road has also been attacked over the weekend, by gangs supported by police.” Freeth explained. “That farm is also protected by the courts so what will it mean for our farm? Very little.”
Eight Mount Carmel workers meanwhile are still being kept behind bars on trumped up kidnapping charges. The rest of Freeth’s staff have been forced into hiding because of vicious attacks by the land invaders.
A Zimbabwe farmer who had a personal visit from a ministerial team investigating the fresh wave of land attacks last week, has described his shock that within an hour of the visit, he came under fresh attack from land invaders.
Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara last week traveled to Chegutu with a team of ministers to report on the ongoing land invasions, which have seen most of the country’s remaining farmers forced into hiding. After a whirlwind tour of the Mount Carmel farm, which has been under siege by a gang of invaders for more than three weeks, Mutambara ordered the invaders off the land. He accused them of “reaping what they did not sow,” of breaking the law and destroying the economy. He also told policemen, who have supported the invasion from the start, to uphold the law and even called one of Mugabe’s loyalists ‘immoral’.
Mugabe’s land minister, Herbert Murerwa, who was also part of the ministerial team drafted to probe the farm attacks, had to endure a reported ‘volley of anger’ from Mutambara when he saw tens of thousands of kilograms of export fruit rotting on the farm. Farmer Ben Freeth has been prevented from entering his packing shed in the past few weeks because of an ongoing invasion, which has now seen almost the entire property become a looting ground and campsite for lawless thugs.
The Deputy Prime Minister told the assembled crowd on the farm that Freeth and his workers must be left to live in their homes peacefully and to return to work the same day. But a mere hour later, after Mutambara left the family with hope that their plight was at an end, Freeth and his workers were once again chased away by the same gang of invaders. Freeth explained on Monday that very little has since changed on the farm, with the invaders still running rampant on his land. He told SW Radio Africa that he had hoped that the ministers’ visit “would at the very least mean a start of the return to the rule of law.” But he explained that his produce is still being stolen in mass quantities, and the property is still blocked by the invaders.
Freeth also expressed shock that Mutambara has since responded to the news that his orders are being ignored, by saying he would not take any action. Mutambara said: “What matters is that the next time Mugabe denies there have been fresh land invasions I can say that is not true, I saw it for myself.” The statement is another clear indication that the MDC holds no power in the unity government, with Robert Mugabe at its helm. Freeth explained that a High Court order protecting the family was granted on Monday, but argued that the order will likely not prevent the invasion from continuing.
“A farm down the road has also been attacked over the weekend, by gangs supported by police.” Freeth explained. “That farm is also protected by the courts so what will it mean for our farm? Very little.”
Eight Mount Carmel workers meanwhile are still being kept behind bars on trumped up kidnapping charges. The rest of Freeth’s staff have been forced into hiding because of vicious attacks by the land invaders.
Sunday, April 19, 2009
Zimbabwe Independence Day: Mugabe and Tsvangirai celebrate together
By Raymond Maingire
HARARE – Zimbabwe’s former political rivals came together again Saturday to mark Independence Day in yet another public demonstration of their new found spirit of cooperation as political partners. President Robert Mugabe was joined at the celebration for the first time since the formation of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) by the party’s leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, as well as by Arthur Mutambara, who heads a smaller faction of the MDC.
This was before thousands of their supporters who converged to mark the 29th anniversary of the country’s independence at the giant National Sports Stadium outside the city centre.
The festivities were, however, dented by yet another apparent demonstration of contempt for the Tsvangirai, the Prime Minister, by the country’s service chiefs.
They seem to be living up to their public vows just before last year’s harmonized elections that they were not going to salute Tsvangirai.
President Mugabe arrived at the stadium at the same time Tsvangirai was also arriving. The service chiefs all left their seats to welcome Mugabe.
Since the formation of the all inclusive government early this year, the service chiefs have not yet demonstrated anything that could show they have abandoned their disdain for Tsvangirai.
The powerful service chiefs, who include Defence Forces Commander General Constantine Chiwenga, Prisons Commissioner, Paradzayi Zimondi, Police Commissioner General Augustine Chihuri, and Air Marshall Perrence Shiri, are seen as the major stumbling block towards full implementation of the terms set by the unity agreement.
Perhaps the most conspicuous salute came from the multitudes in the stadium who greeted with rapturous cheers every appearance of Tsvangirai’s face on the stadium’s giant screen where the proceedings were displayed.
Meanwhile, Mugabe has called for political tolerance among supporters of different parties.
Presenting his keynote address, Mugabe said the country must be allowed to heal.
“For the Global Political Agreement to succeed,” Mugabe said, “there is need for national healing to put behind the atmosphere of hostility and polarisation which had regrettably become a feature of our national politics.”
“To this end, government has appointed ministers of state representing the three political parties to the agreement to promote the process of national healing.”
Mugabe, who has in the past used this occasion for sabre-rattling bordering on incitement of his supporters to violence, said there was need to create an atmosphere of peace in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe is still smarting from a two-month orgy of political violence which left nearly 200 MDC supporters killed and thousands maimed allegedly by the army and Zanu-PF supporters angered by the 85-year-old leader’s defeat by Tsvangirai in the March 29, 2008 elections.
Tsvangirai, however, pulled out of the subsequent presidential runoff election citing the impossibility of holding a credible election because of state sponsored violence, leaving Mugabe to proceed with the election and declare himself the winner.
“As Zimbabweans,” Mugabe said, “we need to create an environment of tolerance and treat one another with dignity and the decency irrespective of age, gender, race, ethnicity, tribe and political or religious affiliation.
“This also means an end to those instances of violence that have needlessly caused untold harm to several members of our society.”
Mugabe again called on Britain and its allies in the West to lift sanctions against Zimbabwe
He said Zimbabwe’s land reform programme was irreversible.
“Surely our legitimate and national aspirations should be allowed to evolve without the burden of sanctions and undue interference and pressures from the European Union and the United States.
“We take heart in the SADC pledge to partner us in calling for the removal of these sanctions which threaten to derail our economic recovery efforts.
“As a nation we need to continue speaking with one forceful voice across the political spectrum against these sanctions.”
HARARE – Zimbabwe’s former political rivals came together again Saturday to mark Independence Day in yet another public demonstration of their new found spirit of cooperation as political partners. President Robert Mugabe was joined at the celebration for the first time since the formation of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) by the party’s leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, as well as by Arthur Mutambara, who heads a smaller faction of the MDC.
This was before thousands of their supporters who converged to mark the 29th anniversary of the country’s independence at the giant National Sports Stadium outside the city centre.
The festivities were, however, dented by yet another apparent demonstration of contempt for the Tsvangirai, the Prime Minister, by the country’s service chiefs.
They seem to be living up to their public vows just before last year’s harmonized elections that they were not going to salute Tsvangirai.
President Mugabe arrived at the stadium at the same time Tsvangirai was also arriving. The service chiefs all left their seats to welcome Mugabe.
Since the formation of the all inclusive government early this year, the service chiefs have not yet demonstrated anything that could show they have abandoned their disdain for Tsvangirai.
The powerful service chiefs, who include Defence Forces Commander General Constantine Chiwenga, Prisons Commissioner, Paradzayi Zimondi, Police Commissioner General Augustine Chihuri, and Air Marshall Perrence Shiri, are seen as the major stumbling block towards full implementation of the terms set by the unity agreement.
Perhaps the most conspicuous salute came from the multitudes in the stadium who greeted with rapturous cheers every appearance of Tsvangirai’s face on the stadium’s giant screen where the proceedings were displayed.
Meanwhile, Mugabe has called for political tolerance among supporters of different parties.
Presenting his keynote address, Mugabe said the country must be allowed to heal.
“For the Global Political Agreement to succeed,” Mugabe said, “there is need for national healing to put behind the atmosphere of hostility and polarisation which had regrettably become a feature of our national politics.”
“To this end, government has appointed ministers of state representing the three political parties to the agreement to promote the process of national healing.”
Mugabe, who has in the past used this occasion for sabre-rattling bordering on incitement of his supporters to violence, said there was need to create an atmosphere of peace in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe is still smarting from a two-month orgy of political violence which left nearly 200 MDC supporters killed and thousands maimed allegedly by the army and Zanu-PF supporters angered by the 85-year-old leader’s defeat by Tsvangirai in the March 29, 2008 elections.
Tsvangirai, however, pulled out of the subsequent presidential runoff election citing the impossibility of holding a credible election because of state sponsored violence, leaving Mugabe to proceed with the election and declare himself the winner.
“As Zimbabweans,” Mugabe said, “we need to create an environment of tolerance and treat one another with dignity and the decency irrespective of age, gender, race, ethnicity, tribe and political or religious affiliation.
“This also means an end to those instances of violence that have needlessly caused untold harm to several members of our society.”
Mugabe again called on Britain and its allies in the West to lift sanctions against Zimbabwe
He said Zimbabwe’s land reform programme was irreversible.
“Surely our legitimate and national aspirations should be allowed to evolve without the burden of sanctions and undue interference and pressures from the European Union and the United States.
“We take heart in the SADC pledge to partner us in calling for the removal of these sanctions which threaten to derail our economic recovery efforts.
“As a nation we need to continue speaking with one forceful voice across the political spectrum against these sanctions.”
Saturday, April 18, 2009
Zimbabwe: Mugabe torturers confess as Church starts quest for reconciliation
Jan Raath in Chitungwiza
Harry is a former torturer. He is also at the heart of an experiment to bring peace and reconciliation to Zimbabwe.
Ten months ago, in the bloody run-off to the Zimbabwean presidential elections, he was a commander of a torture base for President Mugabe's Zanu (PF) party in the sprawling township of Chitungwiza, 20 miles (30km) south of Harare.
He was one of thousands of previously "untouchable" Zanu (PF) thugs who murdered as many as 180 people and tortured thousands to make sure that the election went Mr Mugabe's way. He controlled mobs of rampaging youths who sought out supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and subjected them to unspeakable torture.
Now, seven weeks after the establishment of the coalition Government between Zanu (PF) and the MDC, he cannot sleep at night for fear that his house will be burnt down in retribution. He says that he is so racked with guilt that he contemplates suicide. He is frightened to go to the grocery store. He will not accept a meal from anyone in case it is poisoned and often spends the night in the bush.
Harry talks only when we drive to a secluded spot far from the crowded, garbage-strewn street that he lives in. "Maybe one morning, I will wake up murdered," he says. "I know other people won't forget what happened."
They may never forget but there is some hope that they may forgive, thanks to a new reconciliation effort. Last October three researchers from the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) in Zimbabwe began interviewing hundreds of torture victims. "It was just horrible," said Joel Nkunsane, a co-ordinator. "We were reopening the wounds. We were listening, then we would leave them in pain, without giving any help."
The church-funded organisation set up a reconciliation process in Chitungwiza, starting with a three-day group therapy workshop involving 17 victims. Getting Zanu (PF) perpetrators to attend was far more difficult but they managed to attract seven - one of whom was Harry.
"He was sweating and shaking when he started," said Mr Nkunsane. "The guilt with him is still there. He said what he did was evil, that he caused death and suffering. He and the others said they wanted to look into the eyes of their neighbours and stay in harmony. They want to go back and talk it out."
George Simango, 28, is the head of the MDC in one of the wards in Chitungwiza. On the night before the election, he was dragged out of his home and beaten and had boiling water poured over his back. Red-hot embers were shovelled into the T-shirt that he was wearing and he was forced to lie on it.
Mr Simango has kept the burnt T-shirt. "For the time, I cannot forgive," he said. "But revenge is not the way. The only thing I want is a law that they should confess, give details of what they did and who sent them."
Mr Nkunsane also believes that a public acknowledgement of the acts of violence - that goes right to the top of the political parties responsible - is critical for a process of reconciliation across the country, along the lines of the post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa.
"I fear they may go for a process of blanket amnesty, call it a time of madness and say let bygones be bygones," he said. "If that happens, there is never going to be a time that we can have another election without bloodshed."
Harry is a former torturer. He is also at the heart of an experiment to bring peace and reconciliation to Zimbabwe.
Ten months ago, in the bloody run-off to the Zimbabwean presidential elections, he was a commander of a torture base for President Mugabe's Zanu (PF) party in the sprawling township of Chitungwiza, 20 miles (30km) south of Harare.
He was one of thousands of previously "untouchable" Zanu (PF) thugs who murdered as many as 180 people and tortured thousands to make sure that the election went Mr Mugabe's way. He controlled mobs of rampaging youths who sought out supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and subjected them to unspeakable torture.
Now, seven weeks after the establishment of the coalition Government between Zanu (PF) and the MDC, he cannot sleep at night for fear that his house will be burnt down in retribution. He says that he is so racked with guilt that he contemplates suicide. He is frightened to go to the grocery store. He will not accept a meal from anyone in case it is poisoned and often spends the night in the bush.
Harry talks only when we drive to a secluded spot far from the crowded, garbage-strewn street that he lives in. "Maybe one morning, I will wake up murdered," he says. "I know other people won't forget what happened."
They may never forget but there is some hope that they may forgive, thanks to a new reconciliation effort. Last October three researchers from the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) in Zimbabwe began interviewing hundreds of torture victims. "It was just horrible," said Joel Nkunsane, a co-ordinator. "We were reopening the wounds. We were listening, then we would leave them in pain, without giving any help."
The church-funded organisation set up a reconciliation process in Chitungwiza, starting with a three-day group therapy workshop involving 17 victims. Getting Zanu (PF) perpetrators to attend was far more difficult but they managed to attract seven - one of whom was Harry.
"He was sweating and shaking when he started," said Mr Nkunsane. "The guilt with him is still there. He said what he did was evil, that he caused death and suffering. He and the others said they wanted to look into the eyes of their neighbours and stay in harmony. They want to go back and talk it out."
George Simango, 28, is the head of the MDC in one of the wards in Chitungwiza. On the night before the election, he was dragged out of his home and beaten and had boiling water poured over his back. Red-hot embers were shovelled into the T-shirt that he was wearing and he was forced to lie on it.
Mr Simango has kept the burnt T-shirt. "For the time, I cannot forgive," he said. "But revenge is not the way. The only thing I want is a law that they should confess, give details of what they did and who sent them."
Mr Nkunsane also believes that a public acknowledgement of the acts of violence - that goes right to the top of the political parties responsible - is critical for a process of reconciliation across the country, along the lines of the post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa.
"I fear they may go for a process of blanket amnesty, call it a time of madness and say let bygones be bygones," he said. "If that happens, there is never going to be a time that we can have another election without bloodshed."
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